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21.
From the inception of the proportional representation movement it has been an issue whether larger parties are favored at
the expense of smaller parties in one apportionment of seats as compared to another apportionment. A number of methods have
been proposed and are used in countries with a proportional representation system. These apportionment methods exhibit a regularity
of order, as discussed in the present paper, that captures the preferential treatment of larger versus smaller parties. This
order, namely majorization, permits the comparison of seat allocations in two apportionments. For divisor methods, we show
that one method is majorized by another method if and only if their signpost ratios are increasing. This criterion is satisfied
for the divisor methods with power-mean rounding, and for the divisor methods with stationary rounding. Majorization places
the five traditional apportionment methods in the order as they are known to favor larger parties over smaller parties: Adams,
Dean, Hill, Webster, and Jefferson.
Received: 5 August 2000/Accepted: 24 October 2001 相似文献
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This paper reports on a case study of one local authority, and illustrates the different definitions of the term ‘family support’ employed by the different agencies within the authority. It provides a framework to analyse the contribution of the agencies according to the assumptions they make about methods and efficacy of intervention and access to and termination of intervention. It contrasts the findings from this framework with a needs based model of ‘family support’. Social work and health services tend to operate within a narrow, historically determined range, focusing most heavily on emotional support and behavioural change; whereas users and some of the other agencies are more likely to raise matters such as income maintenance, child care, leisure and education. The findings of the case study are discussed in relation to resources for families, key issues for the implementation of family support identified during the introduction of the Children Act, 1989, and the relevance of Social Services Inspectorate inspections to these issues. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
24.
Lynn Jamieson Michael Anderson David McCrone Frank Bechhofer Robert Stewart Yaojun Li 《The Sociological review》2002,50(3):356-377
Popular commentators on marriage and the family often interpret the increase in heterosexual couples living together without marrying as reduced willingness to create and honour life‐long partnerships. Survey and in‐depth interviews with samples of 20–29 year olds living in an urban area of Scotland finds little support for the postulated link between growing cohabitation and a weakened sense of commitment to long‐term arrangements. Most of the cohabiting couples strongly stressed their ‘commitment’. Socially acceptable vocabularies of motive undoubtedly influenced answers but interviews helped to explore deeper meanings. Many respondents’ views were consistent with previous research predictions of a weakening sense of any added value of marriage. At the same time, some respondents continued to stress the social significance of the distinction between marriage and cohabitation, consistent with research interpreting cohabitation as a ‘try and see’ strategy part‐way to the perceived full commitment of marriage. The notion that ‘marriage is better for children’ continued to have support among respondents. While, on average, cohabiting couples had lower incomes and poorer employment situations than married couples, only very extreme adverse circumstances were presented as making marriage ‘too risky’. Pregnancy‐provoked cohabitation was not always in this category. Cohabitation was maintained because marriage would ‘make no difference’ or because they ‘had not yet got round to’ marriage. Most respondents were more wary of attempting to schedule or plan in their personal life than in other domains and cohabitees’ attitudes to partnership, including their generally ‘committed’ approach, do not explain the known greater vulnerability of this group to dissolution. 相似文献
25.
Schmidt Philip R. 《Sociological Practice: A Journal of Clinical and Applied Sociology》2002,4(3):195-208
The historical relationship between the electoral college and controversial U.S. presidential elections, specifically with respect to conflict, is examined. The elections of 1800, 1824, 1860, 1876, 1888, 1968, and 2000 are examined. Aside from the 2000 election, there has been essentially no conflict in American history due to the electoral college. The constitutional structure and thinking behind the form of the electoral college is given, with emphasis on the federal aspects of the structure. The current movement to abolish the electoral college in favor of direct popular vote is depicted, along with the arguments against making that change. The conclusion is that we as a nation are far better off to retain the status quo than to make the called-for change. 相似文献
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Uta Gerhardt 《The American Sociologist》2002,33(2):5-39
This article places an episode in the history of sociological theory into intellectual history in the twentieth century. The
perspective is chronological as well as contextual. The themes are two theoretical approaches, both embedded in both American
and German history, Parsonian Systems Theory and “Frankfurt School” Critical Theory. The chronology shown spanned mainly from
the 1940s to the 1960s. The context of the two theories is a period that is crucial in twentieth century history. The protagonists
of the two approaches were, in the 1940s, Americans and Germans exiled in the United States. In the 1950s, both approaches
were affected by McCarthyism in different ways. The 1960s, however, were the culmination. The dynamics of the two approaches
led into a schism which came into the open on the occasion of the 1964 German Sociology Conference in Heidelberg celebrating
Max Weber. The article shows the stages in the evolution of the schism, emulating three acts in a drama. The final split was
over whether Weber or Marx should be the classic whose oeuvre was to influence sociological thinking today. My aim is to exemplify
how these two authoritative approaches in sociological theory, far from escaping the vagaries and vicissitudes of their times,
were embedded in twentieth-century history. 相似文献
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29.
What do voters really know about party platforms and how do they perceive the contents? Are there any relationships between party election platforms and electoral behavior? Despite of much research on parties, there are hardly any answers to these questions. If political parties devise programmes in order to influence political attitudes or electoral behavior, it will be necessary that these programmes are read by people. But it seems to be unclear if and how people do so. This article shows clearly that voters don’t know much about party manifestoes. Still, programmes are more important for voters than many people believe. Programmes are also an important factor for electoral behavior. But there is still a lack of data to get evident results. 相似文献
30.