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161.
Are biracial people perceived more negatively than their monoracial counterparts? Across two studies, we compared ratings of warmth, competence, and minority scholarship worthiness for biracial (Study 1: Black/White, Study 2: Asian/White), White, and minority (Study 1: Black, Study 2: Asian) college applicants. Findings suggest that both biracial applicants were perceived as colder and sometimes less competent than both White and corresponding minority applicants. Moreover, biracial people were also perceived as less qualified for minority scholarships than other racial minorities, which is partially explained by penalties to warmth and competence. Study 3 shows that disclosing one's biracial identity makes biracial people vulnerable to negative feedback. Taken together, these studies suggest that biracial people who disclose their biracial identity experience bias from perceivers and may be more vulnerable to that bias because of the personal nature of racial disclosure. Findings are discussed considering the stereotype content model ( Cuddy, Fiske, & Glick, 2007 ), cultural stereotypes about biracial people ( Jackman, Wagner, & Johnson, 2001 ), and the costs of disclosing devalued identities.  相似文献   
162.
This article highlights some of the similarities and differences in management theory and practice between the UK and the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and Central and East European (CEE) states. It does so in the context of a debate over the appropriateness and extent of cultural dominance in knowledge transfer of theory and practice, which has occurred during the last decade, and which is still unresolved. It reviews a scheme for knowledge transfer which offered a flexible structure within which the organizers could amend their material in the light of their growing experience with the way in which the scheme operated, and whereby they might avoid some of the mistakes of cultural dominance made within other schemes offered elsewhere The Joint Industrial and Commercial Attachment Programme (JICAP), its structure, approach and some outcomes are outlined as a case example. Sponsored by the British Council to arrange visits by middle and senior managers from the post-command economies to the UK for intensive management training and work placement in an organization complementary to their home employment, JICAP was typical of the best Western thinking in management development of the time. The espousals and realities, the benefits and flaws in this approach are examined, drawing on the perceptions of the JICAP delegates themselves in terms of their personal and business development. Czarniawska's model of the travel of ideas (Czarniawska and Joerges 1996) is used as an organizing framework within which the problems of knowledge transfer, culturally dominant or maximally flexible, can be examined, and the underlying issues identified. This notion of flexibility, within which alternative perspectives can be negotiated and new meanings created, constitutes the main contribution proposed by this paper.  相似文献   
163.
The Internet has made the accessibility of knowledge both instantaneous and global. The professor who teaches online must be aware of the legal issues created by digital technology. The scope of the Fair Use Doctrine in the U.S. Copyright Law is under debate by educators and copyright owners. Educators advocate amending the scope of works available for distance learning, under the Fair Use principle, to include the same range of exclusions allowed in face to face classrooms such as: audiovisual works, movies and videos. While copyright owners advocate licensing of materials, educators feel that licensing procedures and costs need to be geared to the needs and ability to pay of the educational institution, otherwise their distance learning students will not have access to the same materials as those who sit in the classroom. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   
164.
ABSTRACT

This analysis focuses on parent involvement in public schooling within the United States of America from the colonial period to present. The analysis is framed by four major forces that influence the kind and degree of parent involvement: the cultural beliefs of families; the social structure of families; economic influences; and political pressures within the nation. The contemporary institutional and legal structure of schools tends to disconnect teachers and families. A tension appears to exist between professionals, on the one hand, who espouse the concept that they alone are qualified to make complex decisions affecting the education of our nation's children, and parents, on the other hand, who believe that they should have a voice in their children's compensatory public education.  相似文献   
165.
Abstract

Objective: To identify college presidents’ support for tobacco-free campus policies (TFCP), perceived barriers and benefits to implementing such policies, and activities that might initiate policy adoption. Participants: Participants were 405 presidents (51% of 796 delivered surveys) from a national sample of eligible 4-year institutions in summer 2012. Methods: A 4-page, 24-item cross-sectional questionnaire was mailed to potential participants in 4 waves to maximize the response rate. Results: The vast majority of presidents support TFCP (84%) and believed they should play a key role in establishing TFCP (80%). A majority agreed advocacy by campus groups was necessary to establishing TFCP. Presidents with an existing policy were twice as likely to believe advocacy was necessary for policy establishment. Presidents most commonly selected creating policy drafts and designating a committee as important to initiating TFCP. Conclusion: Advocates would benefit from focusing on presidential involvement and solutions to personnel barriers in establishing TFCP.  相似文献   
166.
167.
Little is known about people's willingness to engage in sex without protection from unwanted pregnancy. This study surveyed 1,497 women and men at 75 clinics and physician offices across California after their reproductive health care visits in late 2007 and early 2008. When asked if they would have sex without contraception, 30% said definitively that yes, they would have unprotected sex, and 20% indicated they would “sometimes” or “maybe” engage in unprotected sex. In multivariate models, compared to non-Latino White respondents, Latinos who responded to the survey in English were 52% more likely and African Americans were 75% more likely to report willingness to have unprotected intercourse. Wanting a child within the next three years was associated with increased willingness to have unprotected sex. Age, gender, parity, and relationship status were not significant in multivariate models. A considerable proportion of women and men may be willing to have unprotected sex, even with access to subsidized contraceptive services and even when recently counseled about birth control. The dominant behavioral models of contraceptive use need to acknowledge the widespread likelihood of occasional unprotected sex, even among people motivated to usually use contraceptives. Findings underscore the need to make contraceptive methods accessible, easy to use, and even pleasurable.  相似文献   
168.
Drawing on two recently completed ethnographic studies of young women in the West Midlands, this paper explores a series of issues about the application of feminist principles and practice to such research. One study analysed young women's friendships, mainly through participant observation in school, supplemented by participation at a youth club. The other explored the likely success of the former Conservative Government's ‘Health of the Nation's’ targets for aspects of young women's health, through extended attendance at two youth clubs, supplemented by ‘shadowing’ informants at school. Both studies also used interviews, diaries and other data sources. Driven by the researchers' desire to ‘give a voice’ to their informants, this paper reviews power relationships in the production of knowledge; issues about self-presentation; securing access to and winning the trust of the young women; and their resolution of some of the ethical dilemmas which confronted the researchers in the course of their fieldwork.  相似文献   
169.
This essay addresses a group of contemporary artworks which qualify as photography and painting at the same time. Because these works lack medium-specificity, several theorists refer to them as ‘pictures’. Analysis of this concept's etymological origin and of the art-historical context in which it appeared indeed reveals the concept's usefulness for discussing this particular group of artworks. However, merely defining them as ‘pictures’ would imply that important and interesting effects of the combination of photography and painting in these works are ignored, if not negated. This is why the authors coin the term ‘multi-mediating picture’ as a preferable concept in this context. As such it not only refers to the clearly discernible multiplication of media in these works, but it also indicates the layered and delayed perception that results from this multiplication. The authors demonstrate the suitability of their concept through a case-study of two photographs by Louise Lawler. Their analysis is geared to processes of appropriation involving both other media and images made by other artists.  相似文献   
170.
The welfare and migration regime of Sweden are undergoing substantial changes, as neo-liberal restructuring is rapidly increasing inequalities, and multicultural policies are in retreat as neo-assimilationist policies are growing. In 2014, the Sweden Democrats, a party conceptualised as culturally racist, was re-elected with 13% of the votes, with a presence in almost all municipalities. While scholarship on this and similar parties has expanded, the role that gender and gender equality has for the culturally racist articulation of their agenda remains unexplored. The experience of women organised in the Sweden Democrats is the focus of this article, the experience of these women engaged in local politics, working to include the Sweden Democrats' culturally racist agenda at the municipality level. The article draws upon in-depths interviews with women activists of the Sweden Democrats. Central to the article is an analysis of forms of inclusion and normalisation of the Sweden Democrats' worldviews but also of the forms of resistance towards their presence at the municipality level. Unlike mainstream research, which downplays the cultural racism of extreme right-wing parties, and rarely employ a gendered analysis, we see (cultural) racism and anti-feminism as central for their agenda.  相似文献   
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