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51.
We define a new family of stochastic processes called Markov modulated Brownian motions with a sticky boundary at zero. Intuitively, each process is a regulated Markov-modulated Brownian motion whose boundary behavior is modified to slow down at level zero.

To determine the stationary distribution of a sticky MMBM, we follow a Markov-regenerative approach similar to the one developed with great success in the context of quasi-birth-and-death processes and fluid queues. Our analysis also relies on recent work showing that Markov-modulated Brownian motions arise as limits of a parametrized family of fluid queues.  相似文献   

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Discrimination in mortgage lending: The Home Mortgage Disclosure Act   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1  
There exists a long history of legislation at the national and state levels in the United States designed to have an impact on the home mortgage lending market. The present research makes use of data available through one national legislative act, the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act, to ascertain if some census tracts in Memphis, Tennessee are experiencing lower than expected rates of mortgage lending from conventional and governmental sources due to the percent of their population which is black. The data indicate that even after instituting objective controls, i.e., income, neighborhood conditions, and two dimensions of demand, the percent of the population which is black significantly affects (negatively) lending rates. These results are discussed in regard to (1) the implications for patterns of city growth and development, and (2) further legislative action required to make the study of such dis-crimination easier for a public charged with that responsibility.  相似文献   
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To complete this special issue for the fiftieth anniversary of the Beveridge Plan, we felt it appropriate to reproduce an article written by the late Guy Perrin on the occasion of its fortieth. It seemed to us that his exemplary appraisal, as relevant today as it was then, amply merited republication, testifying as it does to the clearsightedness of its author. Publishing it also enables us to pay discreet homage to a colleague who will be much missed: we have no doubt, for example, that if he were still among us today he would use the Beveridge Report as a torch to illuminate for us the likely trends in social security over the next ten years. In this article, first published in 1983, Guy Perrin outlines the major principles governing the Beveridge Plan, namely those of universality, unity and what he calls integration. The many quotations and references afford an insight into the conditions under which the plan was written, enabling us to measure its impact both at the time of its publication and four decades later. It concludes by declaring that "the enduring topicality of Beveridge still exerts an impact today, in the sense that the time has come to stop following him and start imitating him". There lies a challenge which, today more than ever, is crucial for the future of social security in the world.  相似文献   
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Gambling problems have been linked to suicidal ideation and enhanced risk of suicide attempts. However, we know very little about the factors associated with either thoughts or acts of self-harm amongst people who gamble. A web-based study of 4125 online gamblers (79% males; mean age 35.5 years), analysed using hierarchical multiple regression, revealed that self-reported non-gambling-related self-harm was negatively related to age and marital status, and positively related to problematic alcohol use. Self-reported acts of self-harm both related and unrelated to gambling were associated with drug misuse. Thoughts and acts of gambling-related self-harm were associated with problem gambling, gambling involvement and parental problem gambling. All types of self-harm were associated with mood disorder symptoms, unemployment and certain gambling motivations. When tailoring assessment and interventions for individuals at risk for gambling-related deliberate self-harm, it is important to recognize that contributory factors may include some that differ from those for deliberate self-harm in general, and that there is potential value in evaluating gambling involvement and motivations, and history of parental gambling.  相似文献   
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This cross‐sectional, retrospective mixed‐method exploratory study examined 140 Israeli LGB adolescents' (14–21 year old) perceptions of their parents' level of acceptance at time of same‐sex identity disclosure and currently. Approximately 75% of respondents indicated that parents were moderately to fully accepting at time of disclosure. Approximately 15% said their parents were fully or almost fully rejecting at time of disclosure, with about half eventually becoming more accepting. Perceived parental acceptance of gay and lesbian children, but not bisexual daughters, improved over time. Increased parental acceptance was attributed to multiple factors including repeated adolescent‐initiated conversations about sexual identity, parental exposure to LGB individuals, and parental love and commitment to the relationship.  相似文献   
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This article addresses the failure of the 1996 welfare reform act (Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunities Reconciliation Act [PRWORA]) as an anti-poverty program demonstrated by the fact that approximately half of all ‘welfare leavers’ have fallen back into poverty within a year or two of their exit. The proximate cause is that, because of “barriers to work” or insufficient demand, leavers end up working too few hours over the course of a year. To address this failure, we propose a program of jobs-of-last-resort, called Promise of a Job (POJ), based on an examination of the design, costs, and results for a large number of transitional-job and welfare-to-work programs. In this article, we estimate POJ's costs per participant and overall costs of implementation, as well as the impact such a program would have on reducing adult and, particularly, child poverty. We find, in examining past data, that had POJ been applied to just those Americans who were on Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) in 1996, it would have raised almost 7 million children above the poverty line. We argue that this result (and similar results from any other program) should appeal across the political spectrum, to conservatives and liberals alike, because of the documented general agreement that child poverty is inconsistent with a widely held American value: the provision of equal opportunity for all.  相似文献   
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