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291.
Heidi Carlerby Eija Viitasara Anders Knutsson Katja Gillander Gådin 《Social indicators research》2013,111(3):775-783
This study aimed to analyze how bullying involvement is associated with the distribution of parental background and with subjective health complaints (SHC) among Swedish boys and girls. Data were collected from the World Health Organization, Health Behavior in School-aged Children (WHO/HBSC) survey, measurement years 1997/1998, 2001/2002 and 2005/2006. A total of 11,972 boys (50.6 %) and girls (49.4 %) in grades five, seven and nine participated in the study. The adolescents were categorized in subgroups according to parental background: Swedish (80.1 %), mixed (10.5 %) and foreign (9.7 %). Multivariate logistic regressions were used to estimate remaining risk of SHC in the categories of bullying involvement. The frequencies of bullying involvement once or more were: none involved (74.8 %), victims (10.6 %), bullies (10.3 %) and bully/victims (4.4 %). Six out of ten involved in bullying were boys. Boys of foreign background were more involved as bullies compared to boys of mixed or Swedish background. Girls of foreign background were more involved in all three categories of bullying than girls of mixed or Swedish background. Increased risk of SHC was estimated among all adolescents involved in bullying, with highest OR in the category of bully/victims, OR 3.95 (CI 3.13–4.97) for the boys and OR 4.51 (CI 4.51–6.40) for the girls. The multivariate models were stable even after adjustment for socio-demographics. There are some associations between bullying involvement and parental background. Regardless of parental background, family affluence, family structure and gender, all adolescents involved in bullying are at increased risk of SHC. 相似文献
292.
P.A. Hudson 《Social Dynamics》2013,39(2):394-410
This article has two objectives. The first is to examine the post‐Marxist concept of the democratic subject, which I argue requires criticism and revision if it is to be coherently integrated into the post‐Marxist theory of democracy itself. The second is to examine the national–democratic project as proposed by the ANC and its allies in terms of this conceptual analysis of the democratic subject. It is argued that a ‘democratic turn’ has occurred in the national democratic project, but that national democratic subjectivity is still caught up in a fantasy of absolute political truth and closure, which interrupts its democratic practice. 相似文献
293.
Allan Borowski PhD Robert B. Hudson PhD John McCormack PhD 《Journal of aging & social policy》2013,25(4):458-473
This article seeks to assess the “goodness of fit” between the social science literature on the impact of older voters on electoral outcomes and the Australian experience of the politics of aging. While the literature suggests that the notion of senior power is a flawed one, Australia's 2004 federal election campaign indicated that this is not quite so. This article offers a possible explanation for the difference between the literature and the Australian experience in terms of the calculus that underpinned the election campaign, namely, capturing the votes of swing voters in marginal seats including “silver” swing voters in seats with a disproportionate number of older voters. The preliminary findings of a small exploratory study of campaign strategists suggest that there may be a real basis to this explanation. Thus, there does appear to be some basis for asserting that “gray power” does play a role in Australian national electoral politics. 相似文献
294.
ABSTRACTThis essay examines four case studies in which prominent commentators in media sites that target the liberal-leaning, educated class – The Daily Show, Slate magazine, the New York Times, and Real Time with Bill Maher – announced that they had changed their minds on the issue of genetically modified foods (GMOs). Though each had previously been sceptical of the technology, they now embraced it in the name of science and humanitarianism, and urged audiences to do the same. These cases were flashpoints in a broader shift in which the liberal, educated middle class – a formation historically critical of GMOs–has increasingly denounced scepticism about biotechnology as a pernicious ‘anti-science’ conservatism. This liberal pro-GMO discourse posits itself as a matter of truth versus lies. We argue, however, that the manner in which it framed GMO opposition as irrational and immoral threatened attachments that have long been central to liberal, educated middle class selfhood and capital – attachments to being a caring and rational self. Moreover, this discourse intensified as this class was experiencing heightened cultural and economic instability under neoliberalism, the post-industrial labour economy, and the aftermath of the Great Recession. Through their narratives of coming to believe in GMOs, our case studies provide their audiences with technologies, in the Foucauldian sense, for making classed selves and shoring up this class’ claims to authority under these conditions. We suggest that this swell of cultural technologies aiming to cultivate liberal support for GMOs has a great deal to teach us about the class dynamics of the so-called ‘post-truth’ era. 相似文献
295.
Jeffrey N. Wherry Lauren E. Graves Heidi M. Rhodes King 《Journal of child sexual abuse》2013,22(1):38-50
ABSTRACT The convergent validity of the Trauma Symptom Checklist for Young Children (TSCYC) was examined with a sample of 172 sexually abused outpatient treatment-seeking children and their caregivers. The TSCYC evidenced good convergent validity with other parent ratings (e.g., the Child Behavior Checklist, Child Sexual Behavior Inventory, and the University of California at Los Angeles Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Reaction Index [UCLA PTSD Index]). The convergent validity of the TSCYC and the Trauma Symptom Checklist for Children was weak, perhaps illustrating the lack of agreement often found between children and caregivers and illustrating the need for a multi-informant approach to screening and assessment of sexually abused children. The TSCYC seems to hold promise based on the emerging evidence for its convergent validity. 相似文献
296.
Begging for It: "New Femininities," Social Agency,and Moral Discourse in Contemporary Teenage and Men's Magazines 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Estella Ticknell Deborah Chambers Joost Van Loon Nichola Hudson 《Feminist Media Studies》2013,13(1):47-63
Since October 2003, US news media have circulated a story about professional and executive women leaving their well-paying, high-status occupations to raise their children at home. This essay argues that these print and television narratives about the “opt out revolution” both re-invoke and perpetuate pre-feminist notions about mothering and family care. The stories mask a dangerous and socially conservative bent using the language of postfeminism and neoliberalism to encourage capitulation to neoliberal postfeminism—a fusion of ideologies that, in these cases, functions to quell a brewing national crisis around family care. 相似文献
297.
Heidi Gilroy Angeles Nava John Maddoux Judith McFarlane Lene Symes Anne Koci 《Journal of social service research》2013,39(2):145-157
ABSTRACT.To better understand how poverty and poor mental health impact women who are abused by intimate partners, a convenience sample of 300 abused women using shelters or justice services for the 1st time were interviewed. The 300 women were categorized as having no income, being above poverty, and being below poverty according to U.S. Poverty Guidelines. Results indicated that no direct effect of income on poor mental health was noted; however, an interaction between type and severity of abuse and income level had an impact on poor mental health. Abused women who were above poverty with the highest incomes reported the highest levels of depression in the presence of high physical and sexual abuse. In contrast, women reporting no income reported no significant effect of severity or type of abuse on depression scores. Women just above the poverty level who experienced severe abuse were at highest risk for mental health problems. Poverty impacts the mental health of abused women according to the degree of poverty and type and severity of abuse. More research is needed to specify programs to maximize the mental health functioning and economic solvency of abused women. 相似文献
298.
Robert B. Hudson 《Journal of gerontological social work》2013,56(1):3-20
A new chapter in health policy presents both challenges and opportunities for aging policy analysts and advocates concerned with long-term care. Millions of long-term care recipients and providers live today in a pubic policy netherworld, one principally associated with Medicaid. I suggest here that moving policy forward will entail three key steps: (a) to overcome structural lag in key home and community-based care (HCBC) policy arenas; (b) to reverse a contemporary pattern of risk-shifting from institutions to individuals; and (c) to inform and empower caregivers to have their own pressing needs recognized. Recent developments in Washington provide new optimism on these fronts. Voluntary long-term care and community-based care (LTC/HCBC) proposals are on the table within the broad context of health care reform. Whether they remain will be, in large, part a function of how far we have moved along the fronts described: modernizing policies, recognizing risks, and activating neglected policy constituencies. 相似文献
299.
Robert B. Hudson 《Journal of gerontological social work》2013,56(1):1-2
No abstract available for this article. 相似文献
300.
Heidi Lyons Peggy C. Giordano Wendy D. Manning Monica A. Longmore 《Journal of sex research》2013,50(5):437-449
The idea of a sexual double standard emphasizes that men have more sexual freedom, whereas women are subject to social sanctions for the same behaviors. This research uses a sample of adolescent women to examine the social consequences of reporting a greater number of sex partners. The research explores whether there are broader social costs and feelings of low self-worth associated with a high number of sex partners, and also focuses on characteristics of the adolescents' close friends. The analyses of quantitative data (n = 600) provide support for the emphasis on the adolescents' immediate network of friends: Friends' attitudes and behaviors were significant predictors of respondents' own sexual experiences, while those reporting a higher number of sex partners did not report a lack of popularity, desire for more friends, or lower self-esteem. In-depth relationship history narratives collected from a subset of respondents (n = 46) provide additional context. Women often recognized the existence of a double standard on a societal or school level, but support or acceptance provided by the more immediate network of similarly situated friends serves as a buffer against such negative attributions. The findings suggest that programs targeting sexual behaviors should focus on how peer norms influence girls' sexual choices. 相似文献