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211.
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ABSTRACT

By approaching civility as an operational logic for democracy, we ask how incivility is a strategy related to power and domination, particularly from the president of the United States. We propose that Twitter is part of an infrastructure of incivility, through which structures and discursive mechanisms contribute to a devaluation of normative democratic discourses. Spectacle provides a theoretical framework to contextualize the forces at play in mediating our relations. Using President Trump’s Twitter use as a case study, we offer four propositions that together formulate a framework for theorizing the strategic use and deployment of incivility as an increasingly legitimate, yet problematic tool for democratic governance.  相似文献   
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Medical alarms sound incessantly, loudly, and dissonantly, contributing to an already noisy ICU and OR soundscape, and ultimately harming both patients and staff. Sometimes triggered in error, the sheer number of alarms distracts health care professionals and results in sensory overload that contributes to hospital staff’s alarm fatigue. In turn, staff become increasingly likely to ignore alarms instead of acting on them. Furthermore, the patients’ sensitivity to alarms disturbs their hospital stay, raises their stress levels, and impedes their recovery process, with sometimes lasting effects. This article considers the sensory effects of hospital alarms and possibilities for redesigning future alarm systems, with the goal of eventually creating a more calming, less stressful, and safer hospital soundscape environment for all.  相似文献   
215.
Guhin  Jeffrey  Klett  Joseph 《Theory and Society》2022,51(3):371-398
Theory and Society - Sociologists of education often emphasize goods that result from a practice (external goods) rather than goods intrinsic to a practice (internal goods). The authors draw from...  相似文献   
216.
How do the politics of agenda setting and policy adoption operate in the arena of healthcare reform in the industrializing world? Literature on the twenty‐first‐century developmental state emphasizes the role of democratic competition and civil society in causing political parties to take up new agendas, while power resources theory stresses the role of left‐wing political parties and labor unions in policy adoption. Yet, core tenets of these theories have not been considered extensively in light of dynamics in the industrializing world. This article examines the politics of policy adoption in countries that have recently aimed to provide healthcare access and financial protection to the poor and people in the informal sector in Mexico and Turkey. In line with literature on the twenty‐first‐century developmental state, we find democratic competition to play an important role in causing political parties to take up new agendas. However, examination of the cases illuminates surprising dynamics that challenge important elements of sociological theory: right‐leaning political parties played important roles in adoption, while labor unions and left‐wing parties oppose reform in the cases. Public health‐minded physicians leading change teams played important roles in agenda setting and leading the process of implementation.  相似文献   
217.
In this study, the ordered logistic regression model indicates that renters suffer a greater housing cost burden than homeowners and that the lower the income of the household, the larger the portion of income that is spent for housing. Further, the model also shows that the burden of high housing costs falls disproportionately on certain groups of American households. Compared to the reference group, two single-risk groups (Asian-American households and households with three or more children) and two dual-risk groups (female-headed households with three or more children and minority households with three or more children) tend to have a higher risk of excessive housing costs. Elderly households and three elderly-related groups (female-headed elderly households, minority elderly households, and female-headed minority elderly households), however, tend to have a lower risk of housing cost burden than other households. The housing cost burden of the reference group is comparable to the housing cost burden of each of the following groups: for single female-headed households; Black households; Hispanic households; and female-headed minority households. The policy implications of these findings are discussed in the paper.  相似文献   
218.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) have focused attention on risk assessment of potential insect, weed, and animal pests and diseases of livestock. These risks have traditionally been addressed through quarantine protocols ranging from limits on the geographical areas from which a product may originate, postharvest disinfestation procedures like fumigation, and inspections at points of export and import, to outright bans. To ensure that plant and animal protection measures are not used as nontariff trade barriers, GATT and NAFTA require pest risk analysis (PRA) to support quarantine decisions. The increased emphasis on PRA has spurred multiple efforts at the national and international level to design frameworks for the conduct of these analyses. As approaches to pest risk analysis proliferate, and the importance of the analyses grows, concerns have arisen about the scientific and technical conduct of pest risk analysis. In January of 1997, the Harvard Center for Risk Analysis (HCRA) held an invitation-only workshop in Washington, D.C. to bring experts in risk analysis and pest characterization together to develop general principles for pest risk analysis. Workshop participants examined current frameworks for PRA, discussed strengths and weaknesses of the approaches, and formulated principles, based on years of experience with risk analysis in other setting and knowledge of the issues specific to analysis of pests. The principles developed highlight the both the similarities of pest risk analysis to other forms of risk analysis, and its unique attributes.  相似文献   
219.
This article describes the characteristics, theoretical preferences, and political orientations of sociologists in the United States. The findings are the most representative of their kind reported to date. Other professional groups, such as psychiatrists, have been studied over time (Gallagher, 1977; Gallagher et al., 1987; Gallagher et al., 1990), but studies of sociologists have been almost non-existent. In fact, there has only been one study of this nature conducted in the 1990s, and that one sampled only sociologists whose names appeared on the membership list of the American Sociological Association (Sanderson and Ellis, 1992). However, that sampling frame did not provide a representative cross-section of American sociologists because it excluded the large proportion of sociologists who are not members of the ASA and who probably are systematically different than members. It is ironic that sociologists who intensively study the characteristics of all sorts of groups know so little about themselves. That is a major reason why this project was undertaken.  相似文献   
220.
We use data on young women from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health to explore the relationship between number of sex partners and educational attainment. Using the average physical development of male schoolmates to generate plausibly exogenous variation in number of sex partners, instrumental variables estimates suggest that number of sex partners is negatively related to educational attainment. This result is consistent with the argument that romantic involvements are time consuming and can impose substantial emotional costs on young women.  相似文献   
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