Sample Bias Resulting from a Requirement for Written Parental Consent

The parents of an eligible sample of 1618 students in gradesfour through twelve were contacted to obtain written permissionfor their children to complete questionnaires related to alcoholand drugs. The distributions of students across the parentalresponse categories (consent-denied, no-reply, or consent-granted)were compared on the student variables of sex, grade level,ethnic group, and reading and vocabulary test scores. The explicitconsent procedure produced a sample that was approximately halfthe size of the eligible population and overrepresented whitestudents while underrepresenting blacks and Asian Americans.There was no evidence of sample bias with respect to studentgender, and the evidence regarding bias on academically relatedmeasures was mixed.     

The early history of Scottish child welfare

SUMMARY. There is a growing interest in the history of childhood and child care. This article brings together from disparate sources some of the details and themes concerning the emergence and development of public and voluntary child welfare in Scotland. Particular attention is given to residential and foster care arrangements under the Poor Law and to the influence of ‘philanthropic’ individuals and organisations. Comparative references are made to the contemporary situation in England and Wales and to present day practice.     

EXPERIMENTAL TESTS OF RICARDIAN EQUIVALENCE

This study employs laboratory experiments to test aspects of Ricardian equivalence. An overlapping generations model forms the basis of the experimental design. Whenever Ricardian equivalence predicts a positive bequest, outcomes close to those predicted occur, after allowance for learning. Observed deviations from Ricardian equilibrium are small, but biased in a Keynesian direction: changes in bequests do not fully offset changes in government debt. The imposition of a binding nonnegativity constraint on bequests produces the predicted neoclassical behavior. The cost to the players of deviations from the theoretical equilibrium is apparently an important determinant of the variability of observed deviations.     

Evidence of a transnational capitalist class‐for‐itself: the determinants of PAC activity among foreign firms in the Global Fortune 500, 2000–2006

Transnational capitalist class (TCC) theory is rooted in the claim that the globalization of the economy has led to a globalization of economic interests and of class formation. However, systematic evidence linking the indicators of transnational class formation with political behaviour is largely missing. In this article, I combine data on board of director interlocks among the 500 largest business firms in the world between 2000 and 2006 with data on the political donations to US elections of foreign corporations via the corporate political action committees (PACs) of their subsidiaries, divisions or affiliates. Controlling for the various interests of individual firms, I find that foreign firms that are highly central in the transnational intercorporate network contribute more money to US elections than do the less central foreign firms. Given prior research on board of director interlocks, this finding suggests that a segment of the transnational business community has emerged as a class‐for‐itself.     

The recent history of Scottish child welfare

SUMMARY. During this century, the main features of child care policy in Britain have been the creation of a separate system of juvenile justice, the extension of state responsibilities for child protection and substitute care, a growing emphasis on foster care in preference to residential care, and increased professionalism and co-ordination of services. This article, the second in a two-part series, begun in issue 5(2) looks particularly at differences in child care policy between Scotland and England, the most striking of which has been in the juvenile justice arrangements. The Scottish children's hearings are fully committed to welfare principles, keeping young offenders and children in need of care and protection within a single system of decision-making.     

INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE AND MONOPOLY POWER IN THE FEDERAL BUREAUCRACY: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS

Predictions of various models of public sector supply rely on the assumption of bureau monopoly power. This assumption is tested first by measuring industrial structure of the federal public sector using the concentration ratio and Herfindahl index, and second by examining the relationship between the resulting estimates and bureau monopoly power. The findings indicate that monopoly structure of the federal bureaucracy is more limited than is generally assumed. Interpretations on the basis of traditional industrial organization theory and contestable market theory suggest that bureau monopoly power is questionable and may not be the source of observed inefficiencies in bureau supply.     

Variation in White House Polling Operations: Carter to Clinton

Using an entirely new data source, this article presents evidencethat significant variation exists in how much different presidentialadministrations use private White House polls. Federal ElectionCommission (FEC) disclosure records reveal the amount of moneythat presidents since Jimmy Carter paid (through their respectiveparty organizations) to the designated White House pollsters.These financial figures, in turn, roughly correlate with theestimated number of polls commissioned for the White House,as determined through archival research and information providedby the pollsters themselves. Two patterns emerge: some presidentspoll heavily from the start of their administrations (RonaldReagan and Bill Clinton); others poll only lightly during thefirst 3 years in office (Jimmy Carter and George Bush). Thesefindings reinforce scholarly assessments of Reagan and Clintonas pursuing a "permanent campaign" approach to leadership, whereasCarter and Bush lacked much interest in public relations techniques.Our evidence suggests a need for a refinement of the institutionalizationconcept as found in the academic literature on White House polling.We agree that all modern presidents inherit sophisticated toolsfor understanding public opinion, but we demonstrate that theydo not use these tools with equal attention or regularity. Putdifferently, a polling capability has been institutionalizedwithin the White house, but substantial variation still existsin how much a given administration uses that capability.