Low-Income Children's Participation in a Public Health Insurance Program in Georgia

To expand health care coverage to uninsured, low-income children, the Congress created the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) in 1997. Given ample evidence that state Medicaid programs have failed to enroll many eligible children, experts questioned whether SCHIP could successfully enroll low-income children. Using Georgia state SCHIP data, we analyzed enrollment patterns and identified factors contributing to program enrollment. This study found that the children's enrollment is explained by perceived costs and benefits of joining the program as well as the underlying family structure, demographic factors, and health status. We discuss implications of these findings on the participation of low-income families in public sector programs.     

Abortion Underreporting in Add Health: Findings and Implications

Population Research and Policy Review - Well-documented, large-scale abortion underreporting on U.S. surveys raises questions about the use of abortion self-reports for statistical inference. This...     

An Experimental Analysis of Children's Dislike of Aggressors and Victims

We experimentally examined social contextual factors that might moderate children's dislike for aggressors and for victims of aggression, by varying both the aggressor's behavior (aggressive toward multiple children versus aggressive only toward one child) and the victim's behavior (passive versus assertive). Children (117 male and female fourth to sixth graders) listened to one of four scenarios describing the experiences of boys at a summer camp and rated how much they liked the aggressor, the victim, and the other children in the scenario; children also reported how much they thought the aggressor, victim, and others liked each other. Overall, and consistent with previous research, children disliked aggressors the most, followed by victims and then by the other children in the scenarios. Importantly, children's liking was influenced by the social context in which the aggression occurred, particularly in regards to how the victim responded. Aggressors (general or focused) were liked more if their victim was assertive rather than nonassertive. Furthermore, children liked nonassertive victims less than assertive victims, particularly a nonassertive victim in response to a general aggressor. Inferred liking among the group members also was dependent on the social context of the provocation. This research highlights the need to consider aggression as more than a set of behaviors. Aggression is a social event embedded within a social context and interpersonal relationships must be considered.     

Contract, Charity, and Honorable Entitlement: Social Citizenship and the 1967 Abortion Act in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement

This article investigates the extent to which women’spolitical, civil, and social citizenship rights in the post–Good Friday Agreement (1998)period in Northern Ireland can be expanded. It argues that theGood Friday Agreement, as a framework document, offers someopportunity for the expansion of women’s political andcivil citizenship rights. Legislative attempts to extend the1967 Abortion Act (United Kingdom) to Northern Ireland and recentefforts to have the existing law governing abortion in NorthernIreland clarified through the judiciary are examined to demonstratethe continued denial of women’s social citizenship rights.Various routes to address Northern Irish women’s accessto abortion services are assessed, and it is argued that extendingthe 1967 Abortion Act to Northern Ireland, a long-standing demandof pro-choice women’s groups, will insufficiently facilitatewomen’s access to social citizenship rights. Consistentwith recent directions in social policy scholarship, this articleargues that a recognition of agency as an outcome of individualand collective social action is necessary to access abortionand women’s social citizenship rights in the post–GoodFriday Agreement period in Northern Ireland.     

Employment and the Risk of Domestic Abuse Among Low‐Income Women

This paper uses data from 2 randomized evaluations of welfare‐to‐work programs—the Minnesota Family Investment Program and the National Evaluation of Welfare‐to‐Work Strategies—to estimate the effect of employment on domestic abuse among low‐income single mothers. Unique to our analysis is the application of a 2‐stage least squares method, in which random assignment enables us to control for omitted characteristics that might otherwise confound the association between employment and domestic abuse. We find that increased maternal employment decreases subsequent reports of domestic abuse in both studies. In the Minnesota Family Investment Program—a program with an enhanced income disregard that allowed welfare mothers to keep a portion of their welfare income as earnings rose—an increase in household incomes appears to have contributed to reductions in reports of domestic abuse.     

The Timing of Entry Into Fatherhood in Young, At-Risk Men

Timing of first fatherhood was examined in a sample of 206 at-risk, predominantly White men, followed prospectively for 17 years. An event history analysis was used to test a model wherein antisocial behavior, the contextual and familial factors that may contribute to the development of antisocial behavior, and common correlates of such behavior, including academic failure, substance use, and early initiation of sexual behaviors, lead both directly and indirectly to an early transition to fatherhood. Having a mother who was younger at first birth, low family SES, poor academic skills, failure to use condoms, and being in a cohabitating or marital relationship predicted entry into fatherhood. Implications of the findings for prevention of and intervention with early fathering are discussed.     

Border Lines: Indigenous Peoples in Genocide Studies*

L'histoire des peuples autochtones ne figure pas parmi les sujets qui sont traités dans la recherche comparée en génocide. Les auteures examinent l'approche conceptuelle qui a conduit à cette lacune en s'attardant à la terminologie employée et à la distinction qu'impose la typologie du génocide entre génocide idéologique et génocide provoqué par l'expansion d'un groupe aux dépens d'un autre, et en soulignant l'importance qui est rattachée dans cette même typologie à la logique qui motive les régimes coupables de génocide. On examine également la relation qui existe entre génocide des peuples autochtones et ceux des autres peuples, ceci en relation avec trois critères d'analyse, soit la réaction des persécutés, le processus de guérison et la quête de justice. À la suite de cet examen, on démontre qu'une approche plus globale dans l'étude comparée du génocide, approche qui reconnaîtrait l'enver-gure des génocides des peuples autochtones, serait à l'avantage des chercheurs. Enfin, les auteures font remarquer que l'approche foncièrement européenne dans la recherche en génocide a pour effet de circonscrire le débat. The experiences of indigenous peoples have been left outside the framework of comparative genocide research. We first discuss conceptual reasons for this omission, focussing on the role of genocide definitions, ideological vs. developmental distinctions in genocide typologies, and the emphasis in genocide typologies on the motivations of perpetrators. We then illustrate the relation between indigenous genocides and other genocides by examining three important foci of genocide studies: responses, healing and justice. From these comparisons and contrasts, we conclude that a broader comparative approach that acknowledges the importance of indigenous genocides would contribute significantly to genocide studies. Finally, we note that adherence to European world views in genocide studies limits the potential for constructive analysis.