The Impact of Organizational Form on Gendered Labour Markets in Engineering and Law

It is well known that occupations are differentially gendered and explanations for such gendering usually focus on structure and process in the labour market. However little is known of the fine detail of the way in which labour markets perform for particular occupations in particular local contexts. This article is based on micro-sociological research on the professional labour markets for law and engineering professionals in the city of Hobart, Australia. It addresses a discrepancy in women's participation and promotion rates in each of these professions: the proportion of women in high positions in engineering matches their educational qualification rates while that in law is considerably lower than educational qualification rates would suggest. The paper proposes that the explanation can be found in the respective organizational patterns of the two professions. Engineering is practised in large-scale bureaucratic organizations where formal rules govern recruitment and promotion, where equal opportunities legislation literally applies, and where a strict separation is maintained between public and domestic spheres. By contrast, law is practised in collegial partnerships where informal judgements govern recruitment and promotion, where the letter of equal opportunities legislation need not be applied, and where advancement depends on the subordination of the domestic to the public sphere.     

Food shortages and gender relations in Ikafe settlement,Uganda

In 1996, an 18-month-old settlement created for 55,000 Sudanese refugees in northern Uganda came under attack by Ugandan rebels. By March 1997, the entire population of the settlement had migrated in search of safety. Because the refugees lost their livelihoods and cultivated fields, they had to adopt short-term coping strategies to acquire food. Two Oxfam researchers gathering information during this period for use in program planning and monitoring found that coping strategies included 1) hazarding dangerous journeys (women risked rape or abduction; men risked beating, looting, killing, or abduction) to harvest crops; 2) seeking piece-work employment; 3) exchanging sex for food; and 4) depleting assets. The crisis was particularly severe for single people (especially those with children). In families where the women but not the men could find employment, some men took on household responsibilities. As malnutrition increased, health declined. Observed changes to household gender relations included new sexual divisions of labor, assumption by females of decision-making power, increased domestic quarreling, and marital break-down (especially in cases where women had been raped). On the community level, women assumed more responsibility as men withdrew socially or left the settlement. These findings point to the importance of providing refugees with seeds, with small loans to stimulate business, and with the means to rebuild their sense of community.     

Children whose parents misuse alcohol: a study of services and needs

Despite the fact that many children are affected by parental alcohol misuse, both services and research have largely concentrated on adults. Recently, projects have been set up to assist children, but developments have been piecemeal. This article reports on a qualitative study which learned directly from children, their parents and some young adults what they saw as the effects on children of excessive drinking by one or both parents. The most common consequences were distress at witnessing violence to the other parent or to the home; verbal abuse towards the children; feelings of shame; and taking on caring and protective roles. However, the children were not passive victims and usually took active steps to tackle the drinking or modify its impact Those in the sample usually had at least one family member who helped them and was trusted. Nevertheless, many wished they could meet with others in the same position, so they could feel less isolated and learn from each other. The need was identified for access to a network of services with group work, individual counselling, family mediation and educational components.     

VIRALITY 2.0

Media virality is a current fetish object in a number of overlapping contexts including marketing, IT design and academia. The desirability of media ‘going viral’ is confirmed by efforts now undertaken to categorize viral success through a range of typologies and metrics, conceived in order to predict and achieve virality. A recent online ad campaign, staged as a ‘how to make a viral video’, signals the complexity of the concept of manufactured virality. This article takes as a point of departure a moment of conceptual slippage in the commercial to argue that the current discourse of media virality has paradoxically expelled its own progenitor, the virus. Contrary to Henry Jenkins's claim that the discourse of virality is ‘a kind of smallpox-soaked blanket theory of media circulation’, I argue that as transmission has been rebranded as ‘sharing’, questions of personal and moral responsibility attendant to transmission and infection have been erased in favour of a bland ideology of interactivity. The concept of ‘virality 2.0’ is proposed to account for this double movement: that the discourse of digital virality has relegated viruses to the past, while structurally exploiting their dynamic of circulation. Moreover, virality 2.0 reinscribes viral subject positions with normative values drawn from this same cultural past. The argument is supported by three main claims. First, behaviour deemed risky and marginal within a heteronormative discourse of promiscuity has been reappropriated as ‘sharing’ and ‘leadership’. Second, practices of digital media transmission may be as much about systemic functionality as active and engaged participation. And third, post-viral media virality works to stabilise and fetishise the active ‘sharing subject’ in neoliberal and heteronormative terms, at the expense of other practices and pleasures.     

Time for international action on treating testosterone deficiency syndrome

Aim. Testosterone deficiency is having an increasing impact on men's health because of global aging, higher levels of obesity, diabetes and metabolic syndrome and adverse environmental factors such as stress xenoestrogens and anti-androgens. The question addressed is to what extent the large body of evidence on the benefits and safety of testosterone therapy is applied in clinical practice.

Methods. Demographic data for men over the age of 50 from different regions of the world have been compared with the number of men in that age group estimated from sales figures to be receiving testosterone treatment.

Results. On the basis of estimate that 20% of men over 50 in the general population of each region could be expected to have testosterone deficiency symptoms, on average only these men (0.69%) in most European countries were receiving treatment. Proportion was higher in the UK (1.00%) and Germany (1.89%), but lower in France (0.49%), Italy (0.51%) and Russia (0.54%). Interestingly, Australia had higher figures (1.64%), in spite of tight state control measures on androgen use. The USA has the highest treatment rate (7.96%) and this is increasing rapidly.

If the basis for the diagnosis was the more conventional combination of symptoms plus biochemical evidence of low total and free testosterone levels, androgen deficiency would be expected in at least 5% of men over 50, and percentage treatment rates therefore four times higher. However, even on that basis, only in the USA do these exceed 10%.

Conclusions. International action is urgently needed to raise awareness in the medical profession in the various countries of these remarkably low levels of testosterone treatment. Improvement in this requires education and motivation of doctors and those regulating the healthcare systems. A public awareness campaign is needed to educate men about the symptoms of testosterone deficiency and its impact on their health.     

On Prejudice and Socialization: Towards Social Work Action

I begin with the assumption that discriminatory attitudes and behaviour between person and person, group and group, nation and nation, are undesirable. They are undesirable for a number of reasons: the first, that they tend to weaken and fragment the culture-cradle of identity formation in the discriminated-against group, or alternatively that they lead to a defensive in-grownness in that culture which may have a number of consequences—a tight constriction of identity development, or an over-investment in the culture which may lead to isolation and impoverishment in the long run, or defensive projection at the group level on to the dominant culture with the possibility of covert or overt fear or war.