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After the election of a neo‐liberal provincial government in 1995, Ontario was at the forefront of work‐based welfare reform in Canada. Many of the sweeping reforms carried out under the banner of the “Common Sense Revolution” received widespread coverage: for example, reductions in welfare rates, the introduction of the Ontario Works programme, the adoption of a zero‐tolerance policy for so‐called welfare fraud, and changes to the rules relating to common‐law spousal relationships. However, much less attention has focused upon significant changes to the ways welfare is delivered. This paper critically interrogates a number of key changes to the Service Delivery Model in Ontario. After the passage of federal legislation in 1995, national entitlements to welfare have been terminated, replaced with local responsibility; this decentralization is changing not only the hierarchy of the regulation of poor people, but also the form and function of provision. In particular, there is evidence of the reinvention of administration towards the micro‐regulation of job search and personal behaviour and the deterrence of welfare receipt as applicants and recipients are bureaucratically disentitled. Although administrative practices have historically acted as a secondary barrier to welfare receipt, the paper suggests that the current incarnation of work‐enforcing reforms could be especially significant as the worlds of welfare and work continue to change. 相似文献
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Using emotion in risk communication: The Anger Activism Model 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Risk communication scholars, as well as public relations scholars and practitioners, are interested in the factors that strengthen the link between people's attitudes and their behavioral intentions. The focus of this paper is to present the Anger Activism Model. Levels of anger and efficacy can be used to formulate four distinct groups; and, these groups will predict differences in behaviors. Distinct predictions can be made about each group. The activist group feels strong anger, and strong perceptions of efficacy; they are marked by very positive attitudes regarding the topic and a willingness to engage in higher commitment behaviors. The empowered group will experience low levels of anger, and strong perceptions of efficacy. These people feel that something can be done to “fix” the issue, but they do not perceive the issue to be large. Angry audiences are distinguished by strong feelings of anger, and weak feelings of efficacy. Although the angry group have positive attitudes about the topic, they will be unlikely to intend to engage in behaviors given that they do not feel that the behaviors will facilitate change. Finally, the disinterested group is marked by weak feelings of anger and weak perceptions of efficacy. They are distinguished by having positive attitudes about the topic, but, these attitudes will not translate into behaviors. Data supporting this model is presented. 相似文献
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Xuan Thuy Nguyen Claudia Mitchell Naydene de Lange Kelly Fritsch 《Disability & Society》2015,30(5):773-787
This article addresses a theoretical and methodological intervention in support of inclusion for girls with disabilities in Vietnam. Drawing on an internationally collaborative project, Monitoring Educational Rights for Girls with Disabilities in Vietnamese schools, we critically engage the politics of inclusion and exclusion of girls with disabilities in education. Using a critical methodological framework that foregrounds the lived experiences of 21 girls with disabilities in Vietnam, we ask how we might strengthen participatory knowledge production through the work of monitoring rights in order to inform practices and policies related to disability and education. Through a preliminary analysis of the visual data emerging from our participatory visual methodologies, we demonstrate how these methods can contribute to constructing more inclusive practices and policies for girls with disabilities in both the Vietnamese and the global contexts. 相似文献
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Renae C. Mitchell Angela Panzarello Ashley Grynkiewicz 《Journal of gay & lesbian social services》2015,27(1):1-16
The current study compared the abuse experiences of 108 sexual minority and heterosexual former foster youth who received scholarships through the Orphan Foundation of America. Participants used an anonymous online survey to answer questions regarding their history of physical and sexual abuse. All participants who reported a history of sexual abuse also completed the Trauma Related Beliefs questionnaire (TRB; Hazzard, 1993). Differences across sexual orientation were observed in sexual, but not physical, abuse rates and in the Self-Blame/Stigmatization subscale of the TRB. Specifically, sexual minority participants reported more incidents of sexual abuse, as well as higher scores on the TRB subscale, than did heterosexual participants. These results suggest that sexual orientation is relevant to the experience of abuse among children in the child welfare system. 相似文献
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