Socio-economic re-structuring and employment: the case of minority ethnic groups

The consequences of major changes in employment, due to the decline of manufacturing and the growth of the service sector, have not been well-documented, nor theorized, in the sociology of ethnic relations, even in recent studies. For example, Blumer's classic argument that economic development adapts to 'race relations', rather than the reverse as predicted by the modernization school, has not been either empirically resolved or conceptually applied to the UK. By adapting data from the Labour Force Survey and the Census, the paper begins to fill this gap with a detailed account of three main minority ethnic groups, and a separate analysis of male and female employment. It is demonstrated that, contrary to assumptions that members of the minority ethnic groups suffered most from de-industrialization, they actually did rather well, and in some cases did better than the majority population. These findings are re-conceptualized as collective social mobility, as part of a review of a number of conceptual frameworks in the light of the data.     

Gender and income in pharmacy: human capital and gender stratification theories revisited

This is a case study of gender and earnings in pharmacy--a profession characterized by its rapid recruitment of female practitioners. We try to account for disparities in earnings between male and female pharmacists in Ontario with the aid of human capital theory and gender stratification theory. Data is drawn from a random sample of 463 Ontario pharmacists. We find a consistent sex gap in earnings regardless of occupational level of practitioners (i.e. owner, manager or employee) and net of such factors as hours worked, commitment to work, hours devoted to childcare, absences from the labour market, and years since graduation. Instead, the main reason why women in pharmacy earn less than males is because they remain employees throughout their careers. However, we are less successful at identifying the additional factors responsible for the depressed earnings of female practitioners. We discuss our findings in light of the claims of gender stratification and human capital theory.     

A cross-national look at married women's earnings dependency

Using the Luxembourg Income Study data we examine married women's dependency on their husbands' earnings in nine Western industrialized countries: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United States. When we examine the level and degree of dependency, and the labor force participation of married women across countries, the nine countries fall into the three clusters delineated in Esping-Andersen's welfare states typology. But when we examine the determinants of the dependency within each country, the clustering disappears. Wives' dependency increases with age, the presence of young children, and the number of children. It is reduced when wives' labor force participation and education are high relative to their husbands' and in families that rely more on unearned sources of income. The similarity of patterns across countries suggests that gender differences in the work-family nexus are deeply entrenched in all countries and continue even in the face of very active social policy to minize their effects. This is a revised version of a paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, August 1995, Washington DC. Her current research focuses on gender inequality and parents' time allocation between work and family. She conducts research on various aspects of family demography, including household and family characteristics, co-resident grandparent families, cohabitation, and child care. With Suzanne Bianchi, she is completing a research monograph on trends in the American family. Her research focuses on gender, work, and family issues.     

The 1999 Small Employer Retirement Survey: building a better mousetrap is not enough

As of 1995, there were 5.3 million small-employer firms (100 or fewer employees) in the United States. These small firms employed 38.0 million individuals, representing 38 percent of all employment. Therefore, low retirement plan coverage among small employers directly affects a sizeable fraction of the national work force. There are a number of reasons why more small employers do not offer retirement plans. Cost and administration-related issues do matter, but for many small employers these take a back seat to other issues. For some, the main driver is the financial reality of running a small business: Their revenue is too uncertain to commit to a plan. For others, the most important reasons for not sponsoring a plan are employee-related, e.g., the workers do not consider retirement savings to be a priority, or the employer's work force has such high turnover that it does not make sense to sponsor a plan. Many nonsponsors are unfamiliar with the different retirement plan types available to them as potential plan sponsors, especially the options created specifically for small employers. For example, most nonsponsors said they have never heard of (36 percent) or are not too familiar with (20 percent) SIMPLE plans for small businesses. Fifteen percent of small employers report that they are very likely to start a plan in the next two years, while 24 percent say this is somewhat likely. Nonsponsors report that the two items most likely to lead to serious consideration of sponsoring a plan are an increase in profits (69 percent) and business tax credits for starting a retirement plan (67 percent). Major drivers of low retirement plan sponsorship among small employers are who they employ and the uncertainty of revenue flows. While issues of administrative cost and burden matter, they are only part of the puzzle. Therefore, the solution is not simply "build it and they will come," by creating simpler and simpler retirement plans geared to small businesses. Rather, it is build it and they will come once the business reaches a certain level of profitability and stability, and once retirement planning and saving are more of a priority for the small employer's workers.     

Employment-based health benefits: who is offered coverage vs. who takes it

This Issue Brief provides data on employment-based health insurance, with a discussion of recent trends and how sponsorship rates, offer rates, coverage rates, and take-up rates vary for different workers. Other sections examine reasons why workers do not participate in employment-based health plans, alternative sources of health insurance, and uninsured workers. In 1997, 83 percent of the 108.1 million wage and salary workers in the United States were employed by a firm that sponsored a health plan. Of those workers, 75 percent were offered coverage, and 62 percent (or 67.5 million workers) were covered by that plan. Of those workers who worked for an employer that offered them a health plan, 83 percent participated in the plan. Sponsorship rates have barely changed in the last 11 years. In 1988, 83 percent of wage and salary workers reported that their employer sponsored a health plan. This declined slightly to 82 percent in 1993 but had increased to 83 percent by 1997. Offer rates significantly changed between 1988 and 1997. In 1988, 82 percent of workers reported that they were eligible for health insurance through their employer. By 1993, the percentage of eligible workers declined to 74 percent, and it has only slightly increased since then to 75 percent in 1997. In 1997, 40.6 million American workers did not have health insurance through their own job. Forty-five percent of the workers without coverage were employed at a firm where the employer did not provide health insurance to any workers. Thirty-three percent of the workers without coverage were offered coverage but declined it. Twenty-two percent of the workers without coverage were employed in a firm that offered health insurance to some of its workers, but certain workers were not eligible for the health plan. The 13.7 million workers who were offered coverage but declined it gave a number of reasons for doing so. In the majority of cases (61 percent), the worker was covered by another health plan. Of the remainder, 20 percent reported that health insurance was just too costly. Overall, 41 percent of the 40.6 million workers who were not participating in an employment-based health plan through their own employer had coverage through a spouse. However, 42 percent of the 40.6 million workers who declined their employers' health plan or who were not offered health insurance from their employer were uninsured.     

The levers of influence

Physicians often determine the demand for health care services, as well as control the clinical processes aimed at improving health outcomes at the individual and population level. Given their important role in enhancing health status and improving the health care delivery system, it is critical that physician executives master the tools necessary to positively influence physician behavior. But changing behavior is far more complex than "doing it or not doing it." The Nike slogan "just do it" is motivating, but over-simplified. The roots of human change include: consciousness-raising, emotional arousal, commitment, helping relationships, self-reevaluation, reward, and environmental control. A model to effectively influence behavior is presented and includes setting clear expectations, measuring and monitoring performance, providing feedback, and rewarding and recognizing improvement. If all else fails, try discipline. This five-step approach is based on the science of human behavior and working with physicians in diverse settings, ranging from academic medical centers to small practices.