The paradox of Durkheim's manifesto: Reconsidering The Rules of Sociological Method

Conclusion In summary, my three formulations of Durkheim's The Rules of Sociological Method as a manifesto have progressively found it to be epistemologically and pedagogically embedded in its object of scientific interest. In the first and most limited formulation, Durkheim's text was a violent and strategic preparation for his vision of sociology, that laid its grounds, but was ultimately inessential to sociological practice itself. It marked what he hoped was a historical rupture in western thought, after which true sociological reason could get underway. In my second formulation his text was the creation of a precise sociological object and moral reality. And while constituting sociology's first action, the manifesto could then be superseded as this morality began to sustain itself. Nevertheless, more than in the first formulation, it actively produced a new social fact in European culture. Finally, in the third formulation, Durkheim's manifesto is an ongoing moment of sociology itself (in the sense of a Hegelian moment, which is fully visible only in its first conflict-ridden appearance, but subsequently constitutes an essential part of the phenomenon's makeup). This manifesto is sociology's first clear attempt to understand representation as the fundamental element of social life. As such, sociological images and language are more than new social facts, they are also collective representations themselves, that reveal how the collective both imagines itself and interprets its own images. In this last formulation, sociology is deeply intertwined with the phenomena it seeks to explain, and becomes increasingly so as it proceeds historically.The implications of understanding sociology as a collective representation are manifold. But among the most important is that sociology develops by way of a dialectical relation to its object. Not surprisingly, a century after the appearance of Durkheim's manifesto, popular mass culture is permeated with reified sociological language, while cultural and mass-media studies have become a central interest of contemporary social theory. One could even speculate what Durkheim might say about late twentieth-century North American or European culture, and the place of sociological images therein. Would he, like one might imagine Freud, despair at the popular tropes and metaphors that he helped produce? Would he see only a monster of his own creation? Unlike Freud, who might be able to condemn popular psychoanalytic language as itself an indication of an immature culture looking for therapeutic fathers, Durkheim formulated the inevitability of the reification and deification of sociological language. For example, he explains that his own time was dominated by the language of the French Revolution: ...society also consecrates things, especially ideas. If a belief is unanimously shared by a people, then ... it is forbidden to touch it, that is to say, to deny it or to contest it. Now the prohibition of criticism is an interdiction like the others and proves the presence of something sacred. Even today, howsoever great may be the liberty which we accord to others, a man who should totally deny progress or ridicule the human ideal to which modern societies are attached, would produce the effect of a sacrilege. He gives Fatherland, Liberty, and Reason as examples of the sacred language inherited from the Revolution. And although he understands that these ideas are historically contingent, he nevertheless defends their value, especially the value of Reason. Evidently, Durkheim is not troubled by the knowledge that thoughts are shaped by the sacred ideas of their time.Noting the popularity of his own texts in the undergraduate classroom, Durkheim might ask how they function now. He might ask how The Rules of Sociological Method is an academic collective representation. He might also ask more generally how the word society has come to be used as a moral reality, or a social fact. How do speakers gain a moral stronghold on conversation by invoking society as the overarching totem (signifying everything from tradition and order to constraint and oppression)? Durkheim would probably conclude that in its current usage society means many things, and perhaps is even reducible to a dada utterance. Society is the punishing god and the forgiving god; it is used to authorize the judge and justify the deviant. It is, most generally, the way our culture signals its attempt to formulate itself by way of its sacred images.And yet, to avoid concluding that sociology, as it proceeds, ultimately becomes another instance of the object it studies, one must see Durkheim as providing the opportunity within his images and tropes to make them more than religion or ideology. In other words, although social reality has traditionally been represented as the Judaeo-Christian god in western cultures, that does not mean that Society will in turn become the new god of the organically solidary collective. As Durkheim provided sociology with a basic manifesto orientation (in all three of my formulations of sociology as strategic, moral, and interpretive), he also provided the opportunity for sociology continually to change its object by studying it. While normally for scientists their influence on their object constitutes a disastrous error, because the data have been contaminated by the act of observation, Durkheim makes clear that sociology inevitably has this effect (indeed it has this moral obligation and responsibility). Sociology encourages a culture where the openness of human identities and practices is generally known, and where this openness does not lead to anomic despair. This was Durkheim's promise to his time - i.e., that looking at ourselves as agents of our collective condition provides an opportunity to produce sacred objects that are sacred by the very fact that they are patently produced collectively. While all collectives produce representations of themselves, what is peculiar to the sociological culture is that it is supposed to be able to identify these as such - it is supposed to see its own totem building. This requires a certain ironic orientation grounded in an insight that the collective could be drastically otherwise, without provoking a crisis of meaning. In this way, sociology is a system of beliefs without being an ideology or religion.And, of course, within a sociological culture change does occur. Once these sociological tropes are established, they undergo interpretation and reinterpretation as they are disseminated, circulated, and used in popular discourse. As the dialogue between academic language and popular language continues through time, sociologists are required to imagine sociological interventions that keep these images dynamic rather than ideological. Hence, as sociology contributes to the sacred language used by opinion (or doxa), it is neither reducible to opinion, nor fully distinguishable from it. Sociology seeks to influence the way opinion recollects its basis (i.e., social life), and in so doing must change its own language to continue to induce para-doxa.It is possible therefore that the tropes and images introduced by Durkheim have served many rhetorical purposes and need to be reinterpreted by each new generation of sociologists as they consider the particular sociological rules of method of their own time. But what is inexhaustible about the Durkheimian legacy is his insight that sociology must look for its effects at a general discursive level, remaining cognizant that it is a part of modernity's particular collective representations. Thus formulated, the grounds of sociological thought are necessarily present even in the most specialized of contemporary research, as each topic covertly speaks about collective representational desire. Sociology also meets its own limits (even the possibility of its own death) at the very point where it becomes self-conscious as a cultural practice - i.e., its various inevitable crises as to its relevance point to its entanglement in the representational anxieties characteristic of modernity in general. It seems to me crucial that sociological practitioners acknowledge and orient to this condition so that sociology remains vital to itself and to the collective life it studies. Or in stronger, more polemical words: sociology is a significant cultural force to the extent that it understands itself already to be one.

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Pelvic inflammatory disease

Pelvic inflammatory disease (PID), an infection of the fallopian tubes that is becoming increasingly common, is characterized by pain in the abdomen and other symptoms similar to those of appendicitis and ectopic pregnancy. A variety of organisms has been associated with it: gonococcus, chlamydia, and mycoplasma, almost all of which are sexually transmitted. They can also enter the pelvic cavity through several mechanisms (flare-ups of infection following menstruation; IUD insertions; abortions; and operations which involve entering the pelvic cavity). Gonococcal and chlamydial infections are usually asymptomatic and can live in the mucous membranes of the mouth, eye, and anus as well as in the urogenital tract. PID attacks usually occur during and immediately after menstruation when there is no mucus plug in the fallopian tube at that time. To control PID, women have to diagnose seemingly minor infections and treat them appropriately. Women who are having routine gynecological checkups should be tested for gonococcus and vaginal infections. Although IUD use has been associated with PID attacks, other forms of contraception - pills, condoms, and foam, protect against PID attack.     

Police control during a national political convention: A four perimeter strategy

The article examines types of role strategies utilized by police to gain control over perceived oppositional group activity. Literature in the area of formal organizations and police structures are viewed as deficient in terms of examining the combined effect of presenting multiple images of an organization to an oppositional group. Boundary-spanning roles are conceptualized as varying in terms of discretion, penetration and secrecy. Data from the 1976 Republican Convention are used to identify four types of boundary-spanning roles utilized to gain control over demonstrator activity. While each of these roles served an important control function, in combination the roles presented an inconsistent and contradictory image of the police to demonstrators. The effect of this strategy was to create confusion in the strategies and tactics of the oppositional group.Partial support for this research was obtained through an L.E.A.A. grant, Evaluation of the 1976 Republican National Convention, awarded to Midwest Research Institute (MRI). Patricia E. Erickson and James Flynn were employed as consultants to MRI for the grant period. Special thanks are extended to Bruce B. Morgan who served as project director.     

Non-salary retention incentives for social workers in public mental health

While workers' reasons for leaving jobs are myriad, little is known of what might induce workers to remain in jobs. The literature reports that money, alone, is not sufficiently persuasive as an incentive. This study of social workers in the public mental health system in Colorado reveals the incentive value of a set of non-salary retention measures. The findings of the study show that measures which furthered professional enrichment, contribution to the profession, and the exercise of professional autonomy are rated most highly. Cross-tabulations with some demographic variables reveal significant findings. Recommendations for implementing the findings are presented.     

Bite Mark Evidence in Crimes Against Persons

Abstract

Bite marks are often found on victims of homicide, sex crimes, and child abuse. Since this type of physical evidence often links victims and assailants, it is essential that bite mark evidence be recognized and properly preserved. The superior courts of several states and United States military courts have accepted this evidence as admissible.

This article is intended to familiarize college and university health workers and security personnel with the appearance of bite marks as they may be found on victims. Further, it describes techniques of photography and related procedures, necessary for the preservation of this essential evidence. Photographs of actual bite marks and diagrams illustrating correct techniques for photography are included. This article is intended to alert college health and security personnel that early recognition and preservation of bite mark evidence is essential to investigative procedures.     

Social workers' views of parents of emotionally disturbed children: Replicating a US study

Abstract

This article reports the results of a survey of Australian Association of Social Workers (AASW) members in relation to their views of parents of emotionally disturbed children. The survey involved a random sample of AASW members. It replicates a US study of members of the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) conducted by Johnson, Renaud, Schmidt and Stanek (1998). The study was conducted in order to see if there was any similarity in the views of United States (US) and Australian social workers in regard to their view of these parents. The data from the Australian sample using the US Providers' Beliefs About Parents (PBAP) instrument did not support the conclusions of the study in the US. This result emphasises the importance of replication studies when transferring measurement instruments from one country to another.     

Some remarks on the paper by Julia Ericksen et al., ‘Fertility patterns and trends among the Old Order Amish’

At the present time there are very few populations, whose members do not practise contraception at all, or only to a very limited extent, and for whom accurate data on nuptiality and fertility exist. Among populations of European residence or origin, there are only a few groups who reject any limitation of families for religious reasons. One of these, the Hutterites, has already been studied; the other, the Old Order Amish, is studied in Ericksen's papers, and my preceding remarks point to the importance of this study.     

Multiplicity: discussion points from the Statisticians in the Pharmaceutical Industry multiplicity expert group

In May 2012, the Committee of Health and Medicinal Products issued a concept paper on the need to review the points to consider document on multiplicity issues in clinical trials. In preparation for the release of the updated guidance document, Statisticians in the Pharmaceutical Industry held a one‐day expert group meeting in January 2013. Topics debated included multiplicity and the drug development process, the usefulness and limitations of newly developed strategies to deal with multiplicity, multiplicity issues arising from interim decisions and multiregional development, and the need for simultaneous confidence intervals (CIs) corresponding to multiple test procedures. A clear message from the meeting was that multiplicity adjustments need to be considered when the intention is to make a formal statement about efficacy or safety based on hypothesis tests. Statisticians have a key role when designing studies to assess what adjustment really means in the context of the research being conducted. More thought during the planning phase needs to be given to multiplicity adjustments for secondary endpoints given these are increasing in importance in differentiating products in the market place. No consensus was reached on the role of simultaneous CIs in the context of superiority trials. It was argued that unadjusted intervals should be employed as the primary purpose of the intervals is estimation, while the purpose of hypothesis testing is to formally establish an effect. The opposing view was that CIs should correspond to the test decision whenever possible. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.