首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   179篇
  免费   9篇
管理学   17篇
民族学   3篇
人口学   26篇
丛书文集   1篇
理论方法论   27篇
社会学   98篇
统计学   16篇
  2023年   3篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   8篇
  2018年   7篇
  2017年   12篇
  2016年   11篇
  2015年   7篇
  2014年   8篇
  2013年   27篇
  2012年   8篇
  2011年   6篇
  2010年   4篇
  2009年   3篇
  2007年   2篇
  2006年   8篇
  2005年   3篇
  2004年   5篇
  2003年   3篇
  2002年   6篇
  2001年   2篇
  2000年   2篇
  1999年   1篇
  1998年   3篇
  1997年   3篇
  1996年   3篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   2篇
  1992年   1篇
  1991年   1篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   2篇
  1987年   1篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   3篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   1篇
  1982年   1篇
  1981年   2篇
  1978年   1篇
  1975年   1篇
  1974年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
  1972年   3篇
  1971年   3篇
  1968年   1篇
  1967年   1篇
  1966年   1篇
  1965年   1篇
  1964年   1篇
排序方式: 共有188条查询结果,搜索用时 281 毫秒
181.
Exact confidence regions for all the parameters in nonlinear regression models can be obtained by comparing the lengths of projections of the error vector into orthogonal subspaces of the sample space. In certain partially nonlinear models an alternative exact region is obtained by replacing the linear parameters by their conditional estimates in the projection matrices. An ellipsoidal approximation to the alternative region is obtained in terms of the tangent-plane coordinates, similar to one previously obtained for the more usual region. This ellipsoid can be converted to an approximate region for the original parameters and can be used to compare the two types of exact confidence regions.  相似文献   
182.
183.
The post‐repressive‐regime South African government has actively convened a public sphere bristling with institutions and policies designed to facilitate public deliberation. However, certain apartheid legacies and contemporary political compromises facilitate the reach of power into the convened public sphere, leading to the corralling of public deliberation and the attempted silencing of critical voices. By the end of the Mbeki presidency, a cacophony of public dissent erupted, some of it insisting on the importance of open public critique and some of it seeking to limit and shape dissent itself. The article discusses ongoing contests over the meaning of publicness, locating the roots of these different ideas of publicness in different political and intellectual traditions, each with different understandings of the deliberative citizen. It suggests that participation in public debate is increasingly confined to the exertion of a narrowly defined notion of national democratic citizenship. Arguing that the formation of counterpublic spheres in South Africa is inhibited, the article considers the role of what it terms ‘capillaries’ of public deliberation, in which various kinds of radical critiques of cultural values, norms, identities and the fragmentation of historical consciousness take place.  相似文献   
184.
This article examines the controversy that erupted in 2006 when the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) was accused of banning certain commentators. The ‘blacklisting’ saga surfaced differences in ideas and practices of publicness among the contenders in the controversy and revealed that notions of the public, public accountability and the public interest were contested. The research describes independent newsroom practices conducted in terms of journalistic ethics and professional ideologies, and shows that journalists assume a powerful role in defining publics and calling them into being, as well as in orchestrating their participation in public deliberation. This is a professional responsibility that is recognised and defended. However, the practices associated with that responsibility and the power to orchestrate the debate in particular ways are not critically engaged within the profession. Just as the debate illuminates the concept of publicness imported into journalistic practice, it also illuminates concepts imported into SABC institutional practice which are rooted in a long lineage of national democratic struggle. In the controversy, the two concepts chafed against each other, propounded in each case by protagonists embedded in their respective lineages. The controversy was thus more than simply a struggle for political control; it was a contest about the meaning of democratic citizenship itself, rooted in differing but intersecting political‐intellectual logics.  相似文献   
185.
186.
Self-reported regulatory data are hard to verify. This article compares air emissions reported by plants in the Toxics Release Inventory with chemical concentration levels measured by EPA pollution monitors. We find that the large drops in air emissions reported by firms in the TRI are not always matched by similar reductions in measured concentrations from EPA monitors. When the first digits of the monitored chemical concentrations follow a monotonically decreasing distribution, we expect (via Benford's Law) a similar distribution of first digits for the TRI data. For lead and nitric acid the self-reported data do not follow the expected first digit pattern. This suggests that for these two heavily regulated chemicals plants are not reporting accurate estimates of their air emissions. JEL Classification K32, Q53  相似文献   
187.
188.
Between 2000 and 2015, the U.S. deported unprecedented numbers of Mexican immigrants. During the same period, the population of U.S.-born children living in Mexico doubled in size. This study estimates the number of U.S.-born children who emigrated to Mexico from the United States in order to accompany a deported parent: de facto deported children. The data come from the Mexican National Survey of Demographic Dynamics (ENADID), a national probability sample of households in Mexico collected in 2014 and 2018. About one in six U.S.-born children living in Mexico in 2014/2018, amounting to an estimated 80,000–100,000 U.S.-born children, were there because the U.S. government deported one or both of their parents. De facto deported U.S.-born children are socioeconomically disadvantaged in Mexico compared to U.S.-born children whose parents migrate to Mexico for other reasons. Women are overrepresented among deported people who bring their U.S.-born children to Mexico, and when deported mothers bring their children, they are far less likely to do so with a partner than are deported fathers. U.S. policy should consider the interests of U.S. citizen children forced to live abroad when redesigning immigration and child welfare policies.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号