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871.
Robert W. Witkin 《Sociological Theory》2000,18(1):145-170
Adorno's jazz essays have attracted considerable notoriety not only for their negative and dismissive evaluation of jazz as music but for their outright dismissal of all the claims made on behalf of jazz by its exponents and admirers, even of claims concerning the black origins of jazz music. This paper offers a critical exposition of Adorno's views on jazz and outlines an alternative theory of the culture industry as the basis of a critique of Adorno's critical theory. Adorno's arguments are discussed in the context of his wider theoretical commitment to a model of structuration—in both musical and social relations—that establishes a dividing line between a moral aesthetic praxis that can be approved as having 'truth-value' and one that betrays and subverts the truth. In Adorno's analysis, jazz finds itself positioned on the wrong side of that line and, accordingly, is condemned. It is argued that it is Adorno's commitment to a formalist model of art works that has been superseded by modern aesthetic practice in both so-called 'serious' art as well as in the works of the culture industries that binds him to a regressive model of aesthetic praxis. An alternative theory of the culture industry is outlined that explores its positive functions in enhancing the resources available for culture creation through its transmission of aesthetic codes, and in mediating relations between so-called high and low art. 相似文献
872.
Robert E. Lucore 《Journal of Labor Research》2000,21(4):563-570
Labor is not a commodity, though there are those who would have it treated as if it was one. Antitrust is probably a futile exercise when applied to business, it would be dangerously destructive to apply it to labor. The raison d'Être of unions is to remove wages from competition and that is a socially necessary purpose. Of course, events of the last several decades have already weakened unions substantially. In their weakened state, unions are less able to accomplish this social purpose, and workers have suffered as a result (for examples see Mishel et al., 1999). Why weaken unions further now? 相似文献
873.
James P. Sampson Gary W. Peterson Robert C. Reardon Janet G. Lenz 《The Career development quarterly》2000,49(2):146-174
This article begins with a review of the use of readiness assessment measures as a strategy for improving career services. A 5‐step process model for readiness assessment is then proposed and current readiness measures are identified. Although considerable research has been conducted on career decision‐making readiness and numerous measures have been developed, there has been limited literature available on the application of readiness assessment in selecting career interventions to meet specific client needs. This article continues with a theory‐based conceptualization of readiness and then links readiness assessment to the selection of career interventions designed to meet clients' needs. 相似文献
874.
Robert Lanning 《Journal of historical sociology》2000,13(3):365-386
In this article, ideas central to Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments as well as those of Benthamite reformers are shown to have informed legislative reports and statutes enacted during a period of legal and penal reform in Upper Canada/Canada West. Using newspaper reports, this article discusses the relationship of these themes to narratives of public executions. In the context of an increasingly democratic state in Canada West, sympathetic interaction between the condemned and the community appeared as the foundation of moral lessons to be drawn from the experience of public hangings. 相似文献
875.
Robert E. Hogan 《Social science quarterly》2008,89(4):955-968
Objective. This analysis examines whether differences exist between women and men state legislators in their roll‐call voting behavior involving matters of economic and regulatory policy. Methods. Using interest group rating scores, I examine the voting behavior of representatives in the lower houses of 28 states in legislative sessions from 1995 to 2000. By controlling for a host of variables related to legislators (political party, years of service, etc.) and their districts (average income, level of education, urbanization, etc.), I am able to isolate the independent effect of gender on roll‐call voting. Results. The findings demonstrate that among Democratic legislators women are less conservative than men, but among Republican lawmakers women are slightly more conservative than men. Additional analyses show that many factors that influence legislative voting by women and men are similar; however, political party has a more prominent effect among women. Conclusion. Although factors such as political party and some constituency characteristics exert a much stronger influence than gender, women and men legislators differ in their roll‐call voting even when controls for a wide assortment of individual‐ and district‐level conditions are taken into account. 相似文献
876.
877.
Third-generation prospect theory 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
We present a new theory of decision under uncertainty: third-generation prospect theory (PT3). This retains the predictive power of previous versions of prospect theory, but extends that theory by allowing reference
points to be uncertain while decision weights are specified in a rank-dependent way. We show that PT3 preferences respect a state-conditional form of stochastic dominance. The theory predicts the observed tendency for willingness-to-accept
valuations of lotteries to be greater than willingness-to-pay valuations. When PT3 is made operational by using simple functional forms with parameter values derived from existing experimental evidence, it
predicts observed patterns of the preference reversal phenomenon.
相似文献
Chris StarmerEmail: |
878.
879.
This article examines how absolute and relative income levels, social capital, and racial/ethnic composition interact to explain variation in age-adjusted mortality rates across the 48 contiguous U.S. states. Our data showed that social capital had a powerful, negative effect on age-adjusted mortality rates--higher social capital states had lower age-adjusted mortality rates. After controlling for other variables, median income moderately related to mortality, but unexpectedly three measures of inequality did not. Finally, states' percent African American positively related to mortality, though indirectly and mediated entirely by social capital. In contrast, the strong negative effect of percent Hispanic/Latino on mortality was partially suppressed by its negative association with social capital. Our understanding of the substantial impact of social conditions on mortality can help inform public policies and actions that may foster healthier and longer lives. 相似文献
880.