Framing public policy towards a public health paradigm for gambling

This paper examines the public policy value of looking at gambling from a public health perspective. The manner in which social issues are framed will either expand or curtail public policy debates. The existing and traditional frames for gambling (e.g. gambling as a matter of individual freedom, gambling as a form of recreation) fail to consider research on the social and economic impacts of gambling. Because a public health frame offers a broad viewpoint of society, it encompasses a number of social and economic impacts not considered in traditional frames. However, the existing gambling frames enjoy varying degrees of cultural, economic, and political support and, as a result, creating a higher profile for a public health framework will encounter a number of barriers. Research can play a decisive role in overcoming these barriers, as it has in a number of related fields (e.g., tobacco use, addiction and product liability, the epidemiology of AIDS). The paper concludes that research that identifies and quantifies the public health factors of gambling will substantially contribute to a public shift toward a public health frame.     

Exploring Types of Public Sector Organizations: Past Exercises and Current Issues

Classification is important generally as an aid to better understanding of complex phenomena. In the context of public sector understanding and reform, it should have added importance as a guide to policy makers and reformers. There have been some notable efforts to classify public sector organizations, mostly built on interactions between analysts and the reformers themselves. One such mid-20th century exercise postulated a division of public sector organizations into three categories: departments, local governments, and the rest embracing a mass of quasi-autonomous agencies. The developments of the later 20th century, often associated with changing views about the role of the state, have increased the complexity of this third category and have imposed new pressures on our understandings, with the result that there is now a renewed interest in classification issues.     

The Risk of Groundling Fatalities from Unintentional Airplane Crashes

The crashes of four hijacked commercial planes on September 11, 2001, and the repeated televised images of the consequent collapse of the World Trade Center and one side of the Pentagon will inevitably change people's perceptions of the mortality risks to people on the ground from crashing airplanes. Goldstein and colleagues were the first to quantify the risk for Americans of being killed on the ground from a crashing airplane for unintentional events, providing average point estimates of 6 in a hundred million for annual risk and 4.2 in a million for lifetime risk. They noted that the lifetime risk result exceeded the commonly used risk management threshold of 1 in a million, and suggested that the risk to "groundlings" could be a useful risk communication tool because (a) it is a man-made risk (b) arising from economic activities (c) from which the victims derive no benefit and (d) exposure to which the victims cannot control. Their results have been used in risk communication. This analysis provides updated estimates of groundling fatality risks from unintentional crashes using more recent data and a geographical information system approach to modeling the population around airports. The results suggest that the average annual risk is now 1.2 in a hundred million and the lifetime risk is now 9 in ten million (below the risk management threshold). Analysis of the variability and uncertainty of this estimate, however, suggests that the exposure to groundling fatality risk varies by about a factor of approximately 100 in the spatial dimension of distance to an airport, with the risk declining rapidly outside the first 2 miles around an airport. We believe that the risk to groundlings from crashing airplanes is more useful in the context of risk communication when information about variability and uncertainty in the risk estimates is characterized, but we suspect that recent events will alter its utility in risk communication.     

Eating habits and stress correlates in a female student population

Interviews were conducted with 100 female undergraduate students to investigate the relationship between anxiety, work related stress and abnormal eating habits. Dietary habits were examined using the EAT-26 questionnaire and an anorexia check list (derived from the DSM classification for anorexia nervosa). Anxiety and stress were assessed using self report questionnaires and blood leukocyte counts. Dietary restraint was associated with anxiety, irritability and psychosomatic complaints. Additionally, subjects with high EAT-26 scores tended to have low leukocyte counts. A six month follow-up study, carried out prior to examinations, showed a decrease in leukocyte counts, an increase in mean weight and an increase in abnormal eating habits.     

Performance, alertness, and sleep after 3·5 years of 12 h shifts: A follow-up study

Control room operators at a continuous processing plant have been working a 12 h/3-4 day rotating shift schedule for over 3 years. After 7 months on this schedule, our initial assessment indicated decrements in performance and alertness, and a mild to moderate sleep debt, when the 12 h shift schedule was compared to the previously-worked 8 h shift schedule. In an effort to track long-term adaptation to the schedule, we conducted a 3 & 5 year follow-up evaluation using the same set of measures. Long-term follow-up testing revealed persistent decrements in performance and alertness attributable to 12 h shifts, and 1-3 h reductions in total sleep time after 12 h night shifts. Little deterioration in performance or alertness was observed across the workweek, which suggested day-to-day recovery from the extended workshift. The popularity of the 12 h shift schedule at this worksite indicates that the workers are willing to tolerate extra fatigue to derive other benefits from this schedule.     

Anchoring in lie detection revisited

Previous research has shown that the human lie detector tends to interpret messages as truthful rather than as deceptive (the truthfulness bias) and to infer attitudes congruent with the content of the (sometimes deceptive) messages (over-attribution). It was hypothesized that these effects are moderated by the extent to which receivers are anchored to the verbal content of the message; that is, receivers might form an early impression of the content and fail to adjust this impression sufficiently even if the message appears false. In the present study, receivers either judged the truthfulness of the message first and the sender's attitude second, or judged the sender's attitude first and truthfulness second, or judged only the sender's attitude. We proposed that having to judge truthfulness first would interfere with the role of the verbal content as an anchor for the receiver's impression. Consistent with this rationale, the results showed that both truthfulness bias and overattribution diminished when receivers judged truthfulness first compared to when receivers judged attitudes first or judged only attitudes.