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951.
Barbara Budrich 《Organisationsberatung, Supervision, Coaching》2009,16(2):238-239
952.
Barbara A. Misztal 《The American Sociologist》2009,40(4):332-353
The aim of the paper is to present unusual achievements of three women sociologists who won the Nobel Peace Prize. Its goal
is also to contribute to a long standing discussion of the role sociologists as public intellectuals. By focusing on Addams,
Balch and Myrdal’s scholarly and public life, the paper demonstrates what social scientists can offer in the role of public
intellectuals and debates what are the source of intellectuals’ public standing. The paper concludes by arguing that these
three intellectuals’ successful achievement of their goals was possible because of their professional credential and because
of their courage to take on risky actions for purposes to institutionalise social or cultural change. 相似文献
953.
Liliana E. Pezzin Robert A. Pollak Barbara S. Schone 《Review of Economics of the Household》2009,7(3):323-339
Do adult children affect the care elderly parents provide each other? We develop two models in which the anticipated behavior of adult children provides incentives for nondisabled elderly parents to increase care for their disabled spouses. The “demonstration effect” postulates that adult children learn from a parent’s example that family caregiving is appropriate behavior. The “punishment effect” postulates that adult children may punish parents who fail to provide spousal care by not providing future care for the nondisabled spouse if and when necessary. Thus, joint children act as a commitment mechanism, increasing the probability that elderly parents will provide care for their disabled spouses. We argue that stepchildren provide weaker incentives for spousal care because the attachment of a stepchild to a stepparent is likely to be weaker than the attachment of children to parents in a traditional nuclear family. Using data from the HRS, we find evidence consistent with the hypothesis that joint children provide stronger incentives than stepchildren for nondisabled elderly parents to provide care for their disabled spouse. 相似文献
954.
M. Silverstein T. Parrott J.J. Angelinni & F.L. Cook 《International Journal of Social Welfare》2000,9(4):270-284
In this article, we argue that intergenerational tensions in the United States reflect a strategy for serving the aged that stresses the underlying values of individualism and self-reliance. Using national survey data, we examine the extent to which Americans' view of public responsibility for the aged has shifted between the mid-1980s and late-1990s, a period characterized by the intensification of "generational" politics, as well as a growing hostility toward "big government." We consider four factors that may be responsible for the escalation of intergenerational tensions as they are manifest in the erosion of public support for programs and policies serving the elderly: (1) Declining intergenerational solidarity with the aged ; (2) Increasing concerns over age-inequity in public programs ; (3) Increasing concerns over resource-inequity in public programs; and (4) Increasing opposition to big government . Results indicate that the public has generally grown more apprehensive about the value and costs of government programs serving both the elderly and the poor. Yet, the fact that Social Security enjoys far more support than social programs serving the poor suggests that the elderly are perceived as more deserving of their benefits than other dependent groups in society. The public also appears increasingly reluctant to redistribute old age benefits according to need. Age-group contrasts revealed little evidence of direct tension between the generations. The results suggest that growing distrust of government and reluctance to help the poor has indirectly fueled opposition to public spending on the older population. Proposed changes to programs and policies affecting the elderly will need to take into account the ambivalence felt by many Americans toward a government they expect to make good on its promise to care for all older citizens, but to use fewer resources in doing so. 相似文献
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Our general theoretical orientation proposes that individuals in a task-oriented group setting have a variety of strategies or rules by which they decide how to organize their exchange behavior. Status consistency, reciprocity, and sex roles are examined as possible bases for interpersonal strategies. Hypotheses derived from this examination are tested in a two-person game experiment, in which independent variables are payoff matrix (mixed motive vs. cooperative), information transfer (one-way vs. two-way), and social context (married couples, mixed sex strangers, and same sex strangers). The dependent variables are number of cooperative choices and reciprocity, the latter being measured by the correlation between number of cooperative choices by one subject in a five-trial block and the number of cooperative choices by his/her partner in the previous five-trial block. 相似文献
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Gabriel R. Sanchez Edward D. Vargas Melina D. Juarez Barbara Gomez-Aguinaga Francisco I. Pedraza 《Journal of ethnic and migration studies》2017,43(12):2037-2054
ABSTRACTThe 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) aimed to increase health insurance access for the over 47 million uninsured people in the U.S.A., among whom ethnoracial minorities had the highest uninsured rates before the ACA. Studies have shown that Latinos have had the greatest improvements in health coverage under the ACA, but many may be at a significant disadvantage, specifically due to their nativity and immigration status, as the ACA explicitly excludes unauthorised immigrants from most of its provisions. Using the 2015 Latino National Health and Immigration Survey, a nationally representative sample of Latinos (n?=?1493), we find that variation in health insurance access among Latinos can be traced to immigration status. This study finds no differences among U.S.-born versus foreign-born Latinos in the likelihood of being uninsured in 2015. However, among foreign-born Latinos, unauthorised immigrants are five times more likely than naturalised citizens to be uninsured and less likely to visit a primary care provider or clinic, even after controlling for other factors including language, income and education. 相似文献