Peace and Conflict Resolution Organizations in Three Protracted Conflicts: Structures,Resources and Ideology

Guided by organizational and social movement theories, this study compares the structures, resource bases, ideologies, and strategies of nongovernmental organizations engaged in peace and conflict resolution (P/CROs) in three regions with extended violent conflicts: Northern Ireland, South Africa, and Israel/Palestine. Qualitative content analysis techniques are used to analyze 27 detailed case reports. We analyze the funding patterns and structural attributes of the P/CROs in our sample, with particular attention to how they obtain fiscal resources and membership in spite of the risks they may experience. We then explore the degree of formalization among P/CROs over time and, finally, we examine the ideological frames that P/CROs use and how these frames relate to their tactics. Throughout the analysis we pay attention to how the political context of each region influences P/CRO behavior.     

Failures in Child Protection: A Case Study

A case example is used to illustrate how powerful a child abuser may become; where a complex hostage-type relationship develops between family members and is then extended to include the child protection worker. One consequence of this is the increased risk of re-abuse of the children. To establish this relationship the abuser uses a number of techniques such as violence, intimidation, isolation and unpredictability. In the case presented, the three children were subjected to ongoing severe abuse, although the child protection agency had known the family for 10 years. The children often denied and hid the abuse, and the child protection workers were left largely unsupported by other professionals and often appeared to comply with the wishes of the abusing parents. © 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Police Accounts of Body-Worn Camera Footage In News Media

People offer accounts in response to actions that are subjected to valuative inquiry. Recordings of police actions captured on body-worn camera (BWC) video can become subject to valuative inquiry when footage is publicly released. This footage may possibly undermine police legitimacy. Managing legitimacy is a basic rationale for why police provide accounts in response to their conduct. Proponents of BWCs assert that the devices enhance legitimacy and, while police have long used accounts to justify their conduct, less is known about how body cameras affect police accountability in practice. Drawing from Scott and Lyman's accounts theory framework, this qualitative, exploratory study examines official police accounts as both outcomes of police accountability in practice and as provided in the context of news media coverage of publicly released body-worn camera footage. This allows us to ask the following questions: What types of accounts have police officials provided in news media reports in the context of publicly released BWC footage? And, more generally, what insight might an analysis of police accounts provide about accountability in relation to the implementation of BWCs? A key finding reveals that the timing of police accounts varied quite considerably, and that accounts were usually not static. The findings provide some general insight into what kinds of actions captured on body camera recordings constitute acceptable use of force by officers, even in situations when police actions resulted in death. This study also provides a small empirical window into when and how police officials provide accounts in response to publicly released body camera footage.     

The Effect of Graduate School on Identity Issues

Abstract

Objectives: To provide a critical review of the efficacy of brief interventions for alcohol use in college health centers. Methods: Studies were included if (a) they examined brief intervention trials that were conducted in college- or university-based student health centers or emergency departments, and (b) they provided pre–post data to estimate change. Results: Twelve studies suggested that screening and brief interventions in these settings are acceptable, feasible, and promote risk reduction. Conclusions: Findings support continued use of time-limited, single-session interventions with motivational interviewing and feedback components.     

Organizational Linkages among the Inner Group of the Capitalist Class

Abstract

This study investigates the non-corporate organizational linkages among the inner group of the capitalist class, defined as those who are interlocked with three or more corporations. To the extent that persons already linked through corporate ties also are connected through common memberships in business organizations, social clubs, and other voluntary organizations, the likelihood of a national cohesive power elite is increased. The corporate data used are from the 1976 government study of the 130 major companies in the United States, controlling collectively 25 percent of all assets. The biographical data on the 66 individuals found to sit on three or more boards among these 130 companies were taken from Who's Who. Several key organizations were found where the members of the elite were especially interconnected. A cluster of 15 individuals with 13 or more common memberships within the 66 were identified as having the greatest linkages. The analysis of the number of common links for each possible pair among these 15 individuals revealed an average of 2.76. Moreover, one-third of the 15 had four links or more, with at least five persons among this inner circle, revealing the nucleus of the inner group. These data show that there is a social network, national in scope, which provides a basis for unity among leaders of the capitalist class.     

The Perception of Societal Models of Power Distribution by Recent Male College Graduates

Abstract

This study examines the perception of power among young adult males. A sampleof 1971 male graduates of a state university were asked in 1974 to choose from among pluralistic and elitist models of power in the U.S. The correlates of the various perceptions of power were elaborated using political attitudes, degree of political activism, change in political beliefs, locus of control, and status inconsistency. The findings were that: (1) the respondents tended to perceive an elitist model, although they preferred a pluralist model; and (2) those most likely to perceive power in elitist terms were activists, those with changed political beliefs, those most status inconsistent, and those with external locus of control.