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Hans-Tore Hansen Olaf Jürgens Anne Hege H. Strand Wolfgang Voges 《International Journal of Social Welfare》2006,15(4):269-279
The purpose of this study was to compare poverty among lone parent households and couple households with children in Norway and Germany. The study applied three different measurement strategies: income poverty, material deprivation and reception of social assistance. We found that income poverty and material deprivation rates are higher in Germany than in Norway and are also higher for lone parents than for couples with children. Our analysis of the reception of social assistance shows a different pattern in which both Norwegian and German lone parents frequently receive social assistance. The results show that the different dimensions of poverty are not independent of one another, nor do they wholly overlap. Household characteristic variables, factors influencing labour market status and educational levels also seem to influence the risk of experiencing poverty. 相似文献
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This article briefly explores the comparative ways in which the Australian and Norwegian welfare system supports women and children escaping violence, when they are seeking to become established independently. The two welfare systems are compared with regard to family structure, women and the labour market, women and income, support for crisis accommodation and housing, and child care. It demonstrates that Norway provides a more woman‐friendly welfare state. 相似文献
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PJ Patella-Rey 《Information, Communication & Society》2018,21(5):786-791
ABSTRACTActivists and legal scholars seeking remedies to non-consensual pornography (known colloquially as ‘revenge porn’) have generally framed it as a violation of privacy; however, the concept of privacy a fraught history, linked to women’s exclusion from the public sphere, denial of their sexual expression, and impunity for abusers. I argue that the concept of body integrity better maps onto the experiences described by victims, who seldom distinguish between digital representations of their body and the body itself and who often liken non-consensual pornography to sexual assault. However, a feminist approach to bodily integrity (rather than one rooted in classical liberalism) is require in order to account for the disproportionately negative consequences non-consensual pornography has for women. 相似文献
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Gender mainstreaming measures adopted by armed forces have gained scholarly attention for the ways in which they ascribe meaning and relevance to military institutions, perform national identities and order international politics. This article analyzes how gendered and sexualized subjectivities and symbols are mobilized in recent marketing campaigns launched by the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF). In these campaigns, Sweden is performed as a “progressive” nation/state whose citizens hold values, rights and freedoms considered “extreme in the eyes of others,” thus being in need of protection by the SAF. This notion of Swedish progressiveness—often constituted as equality between people of all sexual orientations and gender identities—is epitomized in the campaign slogan “Sweden, a country to fall in love with/in.” This article probes how performative enactments of a gender-exceptional nation works within broader discursive terrains constituting a military institution undergoing large-scale transformations. We argue that constructions of a tolerant and modern Sweden (re)produce treacherous, single narratives of distant and dangerous Others and risk making invisible domestic discrimination on the basis of gender identity and sexual orientation, ultimately enabling the ongoing rearmament and reterritorialization of the SAF.
Abbreviations: LGBT: Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender; SAF: Swedish Armed Forces 相似文献
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Several variations of monotone nonparametric regression have been developed over the past 30 years. One approach is to first apply nonparametric regression to data and then monotone smooth the initial estimates to “iron out” violations to the assumed order. Here, such estimators are considered, where local polynomial regression is first used, followed by either least squares isotonic regression or a monotone method using simple averages. The primary focus of this work is to evaluate different types of confidence intervals for these monotone nonparametric regression estimators through Monte Carlo simulation. Most of the confidence intervals use bootstrap or jackknife procedures. Estimation of a response variable as a function of two continuous predictor variables is considered, where the estimation is performed at the observed values of the predictors (instead of on a grid). The methods are then applied to data involving subjects that worked at plants that use beryllium metal who have developed chronic beryllium disease. 相似文献
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Research assessing children's emotion understanding has increased over the past several years. Despite the proliferation of research, there have been few studies conducted examining the development of emotion understanding in children from diverse backgrounds. Further, there has been no research conducted examining the psychometric properties of emotion understanding measures when used with children from diverse backgrounds. A total of 597 preschool children from low‐income families enrolled in Head Start (248 Spanish‐speaking and 349 English‐speaking) were given an emotion understanding assessment in their native language at two sessions separated by six months. All children showed significant growth in emotion understanding abilities from time 1 to time 2, with English‐speaking children generally outperforming Spanish‐speaking children. The psychometric performance of the measure was analyzed for both English and Spanish samples and for English‐speaking children at different levels of language ability. 相似文献
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Strand C 《Journal of homosexuality》2012,59(4):564-579
The Ugandan Anti-Homosexuality Bill of October 2009 caused an international outcry and sparked intense debate in the local media. This article explores to what degree a discriminatory social environment manifests itself in the Ugandan print media and discusses the potential implications for media's coverage of contentious policy options such as the Anti-Homosexuality Bill. A content analysis of 115 items from two daily newspapers (the government-owned New Vision and the privately owned the Daily Monitor, between October and December 2009) indicates the existence of two separate house styles; this is in spite of the fact that both newspapers reproduce the surrounding society's homophobia, albeit with different frequency. Unlike the New Vision, the Daily Monitor includes coverage on homophobia and discrimination, as well as provides space for criticism of the Bill. By acknowledging discrimination and its negative impact, the newspaper de-legitimizes homophobia and problematizes the proposed Anti-homosexuality Bill for their readers. 相似文献
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