THE MAXIMUM RESISTANCE OF TESTS

The breakdown point of an estimator is the smallest fraction of contamination that can force the value of the estimator beyond the boundary of the parameter space. It is well known that the highest possible breakdown point, under equivariance restrictions, is 50% of the sample. However, this upper bound is not always attainable. We give an example of an estimation problem in which the highest possible attainable breakdown point is much less than 50% of the sample. For hypothesis testing, we discuss the resistance of a test and propose new definitions of resistance. The maximum resistance to rejection (acceptance) is the smallest fraction of contamination necessary to force a test to reject (fail to reject) regardless of the original sample. We derive the maximum resistances of the t-test and sign test in the one-sample problem and of the t-test and Mood test in the two-sample problem. We briefly discuss another measure known as the expected resistance.     

ALTERNATIVE COLLECTIVE-GOODS MODELS OF MILITARY ALLIANCES: THEORY AND EMPIRICS

How should the defense activities of allies be aggregated to determine the alliance-wide level of defense? Two alternative models–best shot and weakest link–are contrasted with simple summation of defense spending or manpower for aggregating allies' defense efforts. We extend the joint product model to include these methods of aggregation, and devise an empirical procedure to test between best-shot and weakest -link models. We apply this test to four alliances: Triple Alliance (1880–1914), Triple Entente (1880–1914), Warsaw Pact (1963–1987), and NATO (1961–1987). The testing procedure can be applied to other collective choice situations.     

GROUNDING THE POSTMODERN SELF

In postmodern discourse, self is displaced as a central presence in experience and reappropriated as yet another personal signifier. This paper describes key postmodern views, then reframes postmodern vocabulary in terms of interpretive practice. It argues that the postmodern framing of self is too abstract and that a distinctly modern discourse focused on the deprivatization of interpretive activity can account empirically for features of postmodern "presence." Comparative ethnographic and narrative material is offered in illustration. We conclude by suggesting how self can be retrieved for classical sociological commentary and research.     

A Comment on Ali Tas˛ıran's `Wage and income effects on the timing and spacing of births in Sweden and in the United States'

This note reviews and evaluates Taşıran's (1995) claim that estimated female wage effects on Swedish fertility dynamics reported by Heckman and Walker (1990) are not robust to the use of microwage data. The results reported here indicate that once individual wage measures have been purged of measurement error, estimated female wage effects are not sensitive to the introduction of microwages. The results reported by Heckman and Walker (1990) persist even with the use of microwage data. Received: 8 March 1996/Accepted: 4 December 2001 I thank Tom MaCurdy, Eric French and two anonymous referees for useful comments. This research was supported by NICHD grants HD-19226 and HD-28685. The usual disclaimer applies. Responsible editor: Klaus F. Zimmermann.     

The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of Split Labor Market Theory*

Split labor market theory was originally advanced as a general approach explaining ethnic antagonism as the result of class-based interests. In this investigation, the threat to “high-priced” (white) labor from “cheap” (black) labor within the farm tenancy system of the postbellum South is examined as an underlying cause of the lynching of blacks by whites. Supporting this interpretation, the ratio of black to white tenants in southern counties, a measure of the level of economic threat to high-priced labor, is shown to be a strong predictor of lynching rates in the Cotton South. Findings for the Non-Cotton South, however, are inconsistent with theoretical expectations. We conclude that racial violence linked to economic competition between working-class whites and blacks was limited to that part of the South dominated by the plantation system.