The family planning work as suggested by analysis of the age at first marriage in Jiaxing Prefecture, Zhejiang Province]

Since 1970 when the big push for family planning began, China advocated late marriages. In general, the age for late marriage for female peasants is 23 years and 25 for males; for urban females and males, it is 25 and 27 years, respectively. In 1981 the New Marriage Law stipulated the age at marriage to be 20 years for females and 22 for males (these ages are lower than the ages advocated for marriage in actual practice). Despite the New Marriage Law, however, there was in 1981 an increase in the number of people who married before attaining the "late marriage age," thereby creating problems in family planning work. Since 1981, early marriages have been an increasing phenomenon (for the purposes of this essay, age at early marriage is 23 years for females and 25 for males). Jiaxing Prefecture had a 460.53% increase from 1979 to 1981 in the number of women who married early. The following findings were based on studies of Tungxiang and Pinghu Countries. Early marriages as well as "regular" marriages have increased greatly, with early marriage exceeding the number of other marriages. Urban marriages are far more moderate in number than rural marriages, partly because family planning work in urban areas is more effective. Early marriage in areas where family planning work was effective is less extreme than in areas where family planning work was ineffective. Findings from Kayuan Commune of Tungxiang County shows that 47.8% of all male marriages in 1981 were early marriages, as opposed to 6.3% in 1980. The average age for men at marriage in 1981 was 1.6 years younger than in 1980, and .75 years younger for females. Undoubtedly the New Marriage Law influenced the trend in early marriages, but the main reason is that the agarian economy is backwards. Further, traditional attitudes (e.g., "the sooner the children come the sooner the riches come") prevail.     

Technological change and sociocultural models in China: A case study of train commuters in Beijing

ABSTRACT

China’s mobility turn has created the world’s largest public rail system, contributing extensively to citizens’ economic, social, and spatial mobility. Concurrently, this technological transformation has introduced many opportunities for individuation, which could potentially challenge the social, collectivistic, and Confucian foundations of China’s sociocultural and political ideology. While the notion that ‘mobility produces culture’ is readily accepted, research on train mobility in China is rare. In this study, we use Albert Bandura’s Model of Triadic Reciprocal Causation to conceptualize mobility as agency. We employ Hermeneutic Content Analysis, a mixed methods framework, to study how this rapidly evolving mobility environment connects to the lives of 31 regular train users living in Beijing. Studying agency in China enables us to systematize the sociocultural models within which mobility practices are embedded and how they manifest. We find that our interviewees embed agentive practices in a cultural model that is intertwined with collectivistic aspirations of the country. Technological developments are thus integrated into existing sociocultural models and political expectations, contradicting existing debates on the fracturing impact of disruptive technologies.     

Contraceptive use in China

A national sampling survey carried out in China in 1988 showed that 90.71% of the population were using some form of contraception: male sterilization (10.99%); female sterilization (38.24%); and IUDs (41.48%). Compared with 1982, the figures gathered in 1988 showed an increase in male sterilization and female sterilization and a decrease in condoms, oral or injected contraceptives, IUDs and spermicides. A great difference was found between the contraceptive methods used by women in rural areas as compared to women in urban areas. In urban areas IUDs accounted for 58%, female sterilization for 15%, male sterilization for 1% and condoms for 13%. In the country, female sterilization accounted for 42%, IUDs for 39%, male sterilization 15%, condoms 1% and oral contraceptives for 4%. There was also a strong difference between women of certain ages; the use of IUDs was highest among women between the ages of 15-29 years, while female sterilization was more prevalent for women over the age of 30. There was also a considerable difference between the birth control taken by women with children and those without; the majority of women (31%) without children used condoms; the majority of children (78%) with 1 child used IUDs; the majority of women (65%) with 2 children were sterilized. The sample study shows that 91% of the women using contraception used long-acting contraception.     

互联网的传播偏向性:空间极限下的时间偏向

英尼斯的"传播偏向理论"因未从哲学层面探讨媒介本质为何,使其很难解释当下微观、高速的媒介环境下互联网的传播偏向性以及媒介与文化之间的种种关系.探讨互联网传播的时空偏向性,需要对媒介的物质域、意识域、时间、空间进行"总体场论"的分析.互联网的物质域在技术层面对互联网的传播时空属性的影响达致极限;意识域则基于物质域的赋能,建构出一个一维时间主导下的"去物理空间化"的多重文化空间.单向不可逆的一维客观时间是影响互联网传播偏向性的主要矛盾,起到决定性作用,因此互联网所呈现的传播偏向性是一种"空间极限下的时间偏向".     

榆林社会经济发展背景下的邪教问题调查与研究

在榆林能源开发过程中,社会经济的快速发展凸现出地区经济发展不平衡,城乡收入差距过大等社会问题,为邪教的滋生和蔓延提供了现实条件。榆林市现有＂门徒会＂、＂实际神＂、＂法轮功＂三种邪教组织并曾出现过＂香功＂、＂中功＂、＂元极功＂三种有害气功组织;邪教组织的传播路径、手段、组织管理有独特性。要依据邪教组织产生与蔓延的不同原因,从区域、年龄、文化等方面对大众进行反邪教宣传、教育。     

从多元系统论视角对儿童文学翻译的重新审视

从多元系统理论出发,将儿童文学翻译置于社会文化环境中考察,发现儿童文学处于文学系统的边缘。这种边缘位置导致儿童文学的翻译和创作受到了局限和压制,但是儿童文学系统和成人文学系统间模式的迁移和融合有利于产生一种新的成功模式。     

论堕胎权的合理限制

生育权作为一项基本人权包含着堕胎权。堕胎权的确认是妇女运动的进步,有利于妇女从性别角色中解放出来。对堕胎权的适当限制可以促进堕胎权的发展,但是不适当限制也有可能加重或者侵犯妇女的合法权益。文章从堕胎权的概念出发,分析了中国有关地区地方性法规对堕胎权限制的不舍理性,提出适当的限制堕胎权与中国的计划生育政策一致,但是应当注意比例原则,侧重保护妇女的合法权益,并且应当综合运用多种手段。     

A generalization of Macula’s disjunct matrices

As a generalization of the novel construction of disjunct matrices by Macula (Discrete Math. 162:311–312, 1996), we construct a new family of disjunct matrices and discuss its error-tolerant property.     

基于消费者视角的产业集群品牌效应研究

产业集群品牌是中国学者提出的原创性概念术语,在中国理论界具有较高的关注度,是中国地方政府治理区域经济、推行产业集群升级的一个重要政策导向,从消费者视角检验产业集群品牌效应是构建产业集群品牌理论的核心主题.对目前的产业集群品牌进行重新分类,剖析每种产业集群品牌的特征,从消费者视角检验产业集群品牌效应存在的特性.在北京、山西和辽宁三地随机抽选472个有效样本单位,以假定性命名方式将8个产业集群品牌作为研究对象,运用实证的方式证明现在对产业集群品牌的看法需要慎重对待.通过数据分析发现,一般性产业集群的集群品牌对消费者存在负向效应,不适合发展集群品牌;特殊性集群品牌对消费者存在正向效应,适合发展集群品牌.     

鲜卑折掘氏与党项折氏

鲜卑折掘氏与党项折氏均为我国古代西北部族.唐初,吐蕃势力北上,鲜卑折掘氏部随党项羌北迁至府州等地.鲜卑折掘氏与党项羌经历了长期的民族融合,至唐末五代时期,鲜卑折掘氏逐渐融入党项羌,并开始以党项折氏之名见于史籍.宋代以后,折氏随着与汉族的长期通婚,又逐渐融入汉族之中.