Is It Safer to Fly or Drive?

In attempts to soothe the nascent fear of the scheduled airline traveler, passengers waiting takeoff are sometimes reminded of the cliche that they may have already completed the most dangerous part of their trip — the drive to the airport. The objective of this paper is to communicate under what conditions air travel is indeed safer than highway travel and vice versa. The conventional wisdom among risk communicators that air travel is so much safer than car travel arises from the most widely quoted death rates per billion miles for each — 0.6 for air compared to 24 for road. There are three reasons why such an unqualified comparison of aggregated fatality rates is inappropriate. First, the airline rate is passenger fatalities per passenger mile, whereas the road rate is all fatalities (any occupants, pedestrians, etc.) per vehicle mile. Second, road travel that competes with air travel is on the rural interstate system, not on average roads. Third, driver and vehicle characteristics, and driver behavior, lead to car-driver risks that vary over a wide range. Expressions derived to compare risk for drivers with given characteristics to those on airline trips of given distance showed that 40-year-old, belted, alcohol-free drivers of cars 700 pounds heavier than average are slightly less likely to be killed in 600 miles of rural interstate driving than in airline trips of the same length. Compared to this driver, 18-year-old, unbelted, intoxicated, male drivers of cars 700 pounds lighter than average have a risk over 1000 times greater. Furthermore, it is shown that the cliche above is untrue for a group of drivers having the age distribution of airline passengers.     

The relationship between bonding and bridging social capital among Christian denominations across Australia

This article is an intricate empirical examination of the relationship between bridging and bonding with respect to subcultural differences in religious denomination and faith orientation. The respondents were 2,710 Christian church attendees from nineteen denominations across Australia. They were surveyed with a closed‐answer questionnaire covering the topics of faith, demographics, involvement in the congregation, and involvement in the wider community. The results revealed a positive relationship between bonding and bridging social capital, with a high level of bonding associated with a high level of bridging for all denominations and faith identities. There was no evidence that high bonding within the congregation restricted bridging beyond the congregation. The results support the notion that the relationship between bonding and bridging may vary with societal subcultures.     

Social class and political participation: A review and an explanation

This paper reviews and explains the relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation from a structural perspective; i.e., social organization influences people's range of options, producing different rates of behavior among those in varying locations in the society. There are six categories of political participation: cognitive, expressive, organizational, electoral, partisan, and governmental. In each case, the poor display the lowest and the rich the highest rate of participation. This difference reflects variations in political and psychological resources and the structure of the electoral process. As a result, political benefits also differ by social class.     

A hygiene experiment in rural Bangladesh

In February 1987, 10 students from the health education department at the National Institute of Preventive and Social Medicine of Bangladesh conducted a before after only health education experiment concerning intestinal worm infestation and sanitation by interviewing at least 160 individuals in a village outside of Dhaka. 74.5% initially believed that the only action to take for intestinal worm infestation was to visit a physician and take medicines. After 30 days of intense health education efforts, a 38% increase in those who gave preventive answers occurred among the lower class and a 52% increase among the middle class. Nevertheless 50% of the poor and 37% of the middle class still believed in curative care. In the pretest, 85% did not know how the worms entered the intestine and, in the posttest, this percent fell to 25%. The pretest showed that the typical village member only had 1 correct answer concerning adverse effects of the worms. After intense health education, the number of correct answers of the typical respondent climbed to 2. Moreover, before the intervention, only 20% reported washing their hands correctly after defecation using either rash or soap. After intervention, 96% did so. On the other hand, no change occurred in water sources (2 public tube wells or dirt storage ponds) or the latrine situation. Financial restraints and/or social class may have been responsible for the lack of changes. For example, a tube well is a status symbol of the rich and it would offend the rich if lesser families used them. Further, even the middle class could not afford a sanitary latrine. Therefore the health education intervention had little effect on 2 major sources of the worm infestation problem.     

Caring and the generation of social capital: Two models for a positive relationship

Johansson S, Leonard R, Noonan K. Caring and the generation of social capital: two models for a positive relationship When caring is linked to social capital, it is generally assumed that the nature of the relationship is that social capital is a resource that can be used for care work. When there is inadequate funding of aged care services by the state, then social capital may be seen as a substitute for economic and human capital. Caring, therefore, is seen as a drain on capital. However, this does not have to be the case. Aged care services, if thoughtfully designed, can not only consume social capital, but also generate it. Two models of elder care, one Swedish and one Australian, have been identified which specifically address the generation of social capital. In each case, the services and facilities have been developed by third‐sector organisations with a strong community development focus, often in the face of resistance from state‐run or medically oriented services.