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91.
This study investigates the extent and nature of housing affordability for elderly nonmetropolitan female heads of household
using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. The results indicate that over one-third of elderly nonmetropolitan female
heads of household experience housing poverty and that those who rent, who have fair to poor health, and who are minorities
are particularly vulnerable. Housing affordability, measured by the concept of housing poverty, identifies households struggling
to meet basic needs while the conventional 25% of income for housing expenditures ratio identifies a larger population. The
findings suggest the need for multifaceted public policies to address the problem of housing poverty.
Her research interests include housing affordability, housing and community vitality, and decision making. She received her
Ph.D. from Purdue University.
Sooyoun Park is in the same department as a Project Assistant on a USDA-funded research project entitled “Housing Affordability
in Rural Areas,” which is a joint project between Nebraska and Wisconsin. Her research interests focus on housing management
behavior in relation to housing expenditure burden. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. 相似文献
92.
93.
John E. Roemer 《Social Choice and Welfare》1994,11(4):355-380
Voter preferences are characterized by a parameter s (say, income) distributed on a set S according to a probability measure F. There is a single issue (say, a tax rate) whose level, b, is to be politically decided. There are two parties, each of which is a perfect agent of some constituency of voters, voters with a given value of s. An equilibrium of the electoral game is a pair of policies, b 1 and b 2, proposed by the two parties, such that b i maximizes the expected utility of the voters whom party i represents, given the policy proposed by the opposition. Under reasonable assumptions, the unique electoral equilibrium consists in both parties proposing the favorite policy of the median voter. What theory can explain why, historically, we observe electoral equilibria where the ‘right’ and ‘left’ parties propose different policies? Uncertainty concerning the distribution of voters is introduced. Let {F(t)} t ε T be a class of probability measures on S; all voters and parties share a common prior that the distribution of t is described by a probability measure H on T. If H has finite support, there is in general no electoral equilibrium. However, if H is continuous, then electoral equilibrium generally exists, and in equilibrium the parties propose different policies. Convergence of equilibrium to median voter politics is proved as uncertainty about the distribution of voter traits becomes small. 相似文献
94.
E. Reschenhofer 《Statistical Papers》1994,35(1):309-322
The suitability of autoregressive fractionally integrated moving average (ARFIMA) processes for the modeling of US aggregate output is examined. We consider the two most widely used methods for the estimation of the fractionally differencing parameter and discuss the empirical results obtained by applying these methods to the quarterly post-war real GNP as well as to the quarterly post-war real GNP per capita. Contrary to previous findings, we conclude that evidence for a fractional degree of integration is poor. 相似文献
95.
A survey was conducted of approximately 200 Asian Indian Americans and 200 other residents of New Jersey in order to understand the risk management priorities that they want government to have. We found that Asian Indian Americans, especially younger women, focused on personal/family risks, such as alcohol and drug abuse, sexual abuse, and domestic violence. The New Jersey comparison group, in contrast, placed war/terrorism and loss of health care services and insurance at the top of their priorities for government. These results suggest stressful acculturation-related issues within the Asian Indian community. Both populations want more risk management from government than they believe government is currently providing. Respondents who wanted more from government tended to dread the risk, be fearful of the consequences, trust government, and have a feeling of personal efficacy. Within the Asian Indian American sample, wide variations were observed by language spoken at home and religious affiliation. Notably, Muslims and Hindi language speakers tended not to trust government and hence wanted less government involvement. This study supports our call for studies of recent migrant populations and Johnson's for testing ethnic identity and acculturation as factors in risk judgments. 相似文献
96.
97.
V. Scott H. Solberg Aaron H. Carlstrom Kimberly A. S. Howard Janice E. Jones 《The Career development quarterly》2007,55(4):313-327
Using cluster analysis, 789 predominately Latino and African American high school youth were classified into varying academic at‐risk profiles using self‐reported levels of academic confidence, motivation to attend school, perceived family support, connections with teachers and peers, and exposure to violence. Six clusters emerged, 5 of which were identified as “at‐risk.” The clusters were examined in relation to academic stress, health status, grades, and school retention. Exposure to violence was one distinguishing feature of youth identified as most vulnerable, vulnerable, and resilient; however, youth identified as resilient recorded better academic outcomes. 相似文献
98.
This paper proposes an experimental test to evaluate the performance of the serial cost sharing rule, originally proposed
by Shenker [Sigmetrics, 241–242 (1990)] and then analyzed by Moulin and Shenker [Econometrica 60, 1009–1037 (1992)]. We report
measures of the performance and efficiency of the serial mechanism by comparing the choices and payoffs attained by the subjects
to the expected equilibrium allocations. Experimental evidence shows that learning is needed for the subjects to converge
to the equilibrium strategy. However, in terms of efficiency, the serial mechanism leads to almost efficient allocations. 相似文献
99.
Peltzman [Peltzman, S., 1984. Constituent interest and congressional voting. Journal of Law and Economics 27, 181–210] argues that if constituents’ economic interests have well-defined “winners and losers” and are appropriately measured, then constituents’ economic interests, and not legislator ideology, are the most important determinates of legislator voting. We test Peltzman's theory by examining senatorial voting on three mandated spending limitation bills. We find, consistent with Peltzman's theory, that the ratio of federal spending in a senator's state to federal taxes paid by that state, and not a senator's personal ideology, matters on legislation where there are well-defined economic “winners and losers.” This is particularly important because unlike other constituents’ economic interest measures that only impact a fraction of the constituency, the ratio of federal spending to federal taxes in a state represents the economic interests of all the constituents in a state. 相似文献
100.