从1922年苏俄民法典编纂看列宁法治理念的渊源与局限

列宁的法治思想源自于自彼得大帝以来诸位沙皇的依法治国理念,强调依法治国是俄罗斯近现代化转型中的一条重要主线,但是列宁的法治理念与诸位沙皇的依法治国理念的共同的局限性都在于法制不缺,但都不是作为保障民众自由的法治,而是作为统治阶级“改组社会的组织手段”的工具主义的法制。     

Minimum income in the Western Balkans: From socialism to the European Pillar of Social Rights

In this article, we examine the evolution of minimum income programmes in the Western Balkans (comprising Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia). During socialism, Yugoslavia developed a rudimentary minimum income protection programme, while Albania did not have one. As countries moved towards a market economy, socialism's legacy remained relevant, but especially since 2000, governments have taken more direct responsibility for the minimum income schemes—typically under the influence of the World Bank. The attention was paid to strict targeting accuracy rather than to adequacy or sufficient coverage of the lowest deciles. In essence, neither socialist nor neoliberal policymakers ever recognised anything but the poverty relief function of the minimum income. Both ideologies were hostile, or at best indifferent, to increasing the adequacy and generosity of minimum income programmes, perceiving them as impediments and distractions that slowed socialist and neoliberal transformations. Despite some reform initiatives supported by the World Bank and, more recently, the European Union, the generosity and adequacy of minimum income programmes remain low, and coverage keeps declining. There have been very few efforts to develop inclusion function of the minimum income, while the activation aspect has achieved very little, sometimes degrading into punitive programmes of unpaid community work. In this dismal picture, the European Pillar of Social Rights action framework could serve as a guide for a long overdue third phase in the Western Balkans' minimum income policy evolution.     

When Social Partners Unite – Explaining Continuity and Change in Austrian and Dutch Labour Market Governance

Why do Austria and the Netherlands, two highly corporatist, coordinated, consensual countries diverge with respect to the involvement of social partners in their Public Employment Service? By comparing and contrasting the competing predictions of the power‐resource, employer‐centred and social partnership approaches, we identify a key omitted variable that can explain the observed variations: the ability of the social partners to unite on reform positions. We demonstrate that when the social partners are divided, their collective power is reduced and partisan‐based policy outcomes become more pronounced. In turn, when the social partners jointly favour a particular outcome, their collective power increases and they can override governmental reform plans, even if the government holds a large legislative majority. These findings highlight the causal importance of power relations between and within the social partners for institutional continuity and change.     

From pension funds to piggy banks: (Perverse) consequences of the Stability and Growth Pact since the crisis

As part of their strategy for economic and monetary union, European governments committed themselves to fiscal discipline – particularly by placing limits on annual deficits and on public debt. Subsequently, and as they sought to respond to the “current crisis”, they embraced the view that only if public finances were kept under control would sustainable recovery be possible. Rules of fiscal governance were strengthened. To help them meet these rules, the governments of many member States of the European Union made changes to their pension systems or to funds they had established specifically to pay the costs of population ageing. The intention was not to cut retirement benefits or to improve the efficiency of the relevant pension schemes and institutions. Rather, it was to free up resources immediately. Funded pension schemes and pension funds were treated like “piggy banks” that were raided when times became hard. Moreover, the policies pursued succeeded in meeting their objectives only because the system of national accounts according to which outcomes are judged does not recognize the way in which most of the fiscal gains are matched by future fiscal liabilities.     

邓小平在中苏论战中的地位及贡献

客观地评价了邓小平在中苏论战中所处的历史地位,分析了邓小平在中苏论战中的突出贡献。指出在中苏论战中,邓小平坚决反对前苏联大党主义和大国主义,为维护民族尊严和国家主权做出了重大贡献,表现了中华民族不信邪、不怕压的大无畏精神。     

论欧盟在欧元区主权债务危机中的改革与发展

2009-2010年的希腊主权债务危机引发了欧元区集体危机,这被认为是自1999年EMU成立以来遭遇的最大挑战。继希腊之后,爱尔兰和葡萄牙先后向欧盟提出了金融救助申请。2011年7月,欧盟达成了对希腊进行第二轮金融援助的方案。尽管欧元区主权债务危机形势不容乐观,但此次危机也促使欧盟及其成员国加快了自身改革。     

南京国民政府《工会法》述论

国民党南方政权时期,为了动员工人参加革命,废除了北京国民政府限制劳工权利的法律,颁布了新的工会条例。南京国民政府成立后,提倡劳资协调,并在训练民众和整理工会的目的下,制订并实施了《工会法》;该法虽然肯定了工人组织工会的权利及工会的团体契约权和同盟罢工权,但也表现了南京国民政府有控制工会和工人运动的倾向。研究发现,国民党安插在工会内部的力量很小,不足以影响工会运动的发展。另外,《工会法》在一定程度上也得到了遵行。     

欧债危机背景下我国通货膨胀治理研究

改革开放30年以来,我国经济取得了举世瞩目的成绩,但也出现了四次大的通货膨胀,目前欧债危机越演越烈,对世界经济包括我国经济必将带来巨大的影响,极有可能助推我国已经出现的通货膨胀。文章通过对我国历次通货膨胀原因的探悉和成功治理对策的研究,认为要充分发挥市场调控功能,加快经济增长方式的转变,合理运用国家宏观调控政策治理我国可能出现的复合式通货膨胀。     

重建个人所有制视野下的社会主义所有制模式——以前苏联与前南斯拉夫为例

“重新建立个人所有制”是马克思、恩格斯关于未来社会所有制的经典构想。前苏联与前南斯拉夫对这一理论都做出了不同的回答,并且确立了各具特色的所有制模式,然而实践中两种探索都最终走向了失败。当前,在“重新建立个人所有制”视野下对两种模式进行比较和研究,对我国所有制改革有着极为重要的启示。     

康拉德·阿登纳欧洲联合的理念与实践

二战后,康拉德·阿登纳审时度势,大力提倡欧洲联合,促进了欧洲统一的理念向现实的转变。他高度重视德法关系,把法德两国之间的谅解与合作作为欧洲一体化的核心与基石,启动了早期欧洲的一体化,为其在以后的不断深化和扩大奠定了坚实的基础。