Psychological antecedents and motivational models of collective action: examining the role of perceived effectiveness in political protest participation

The present study examines Hong Kong citizens’ willingness to participate in the Occupy Central/Umbrella Movement. A representative adult survey (N = 816) was conducted before the Occupy Central protest in 2014. Regression analyses showed that the core psychological antecedents of political identity (psychological attachment to pro-democracy parties and Occupy activists), political efficacy (perceived effectiveness of individual and movement agency), ideology (dissatisfaction with the pace of democratization), and emotion (anger with the political environment) were significant predictors of likely participation. Measures of perceived effectiveness of the Occupy movement to achieve successful outcomes (i.e. its ability to influence public opinion, strengthen the pro-democracy cause in Hong Kong, and facilitate opinion expression) explained additional variance even after controlling for demographics and the core antecedents. An integrated motivational model of collective action was then tested using structural equation modeling. Findings are consistent with the extant literature. Moral convictions (democracy as a fundamental human value) served as an antecedent of identity, efficacy, ideology, and anger, while identity exhibited direct and indirect effects on participation through efficacy, ideology and anger. The model also pointed to a role for perceived effectiveness, supporting the idea that individuals are motivated by other potential outcomes of a protest beyond achieving its primary objective.     

CONSUMING SATELLITE MODERNITIES

Although the globalized world has multiple modernities, it retains a power vector which is centripetal to developed centres. I propose to use the concept ‘satellite modernities’ to refer to the magnetic sites between centres of high-modernity and developing modernites in the rest of the world. In developing countries, newly modernized cities are reproducing, hybridizing, and domesticating a simplified western modernity, a modernity that is in turn consumed by less developed cities and territories within the same regions. Throughout Asia, these satellite sites draw migrants from all over the region to realize the dreams of the global west in the relative security and comfort of regional localities. In this paper, I investigate the consumption histories and practices of immigrants who have crossed the cultural boundary of post-socialist China into the cultural spaces of Hong Kong in different periods of time. This is a mid-range theoretical exercise that attempts to ground such concepts as modernity, consumption, and identity formation in concrete boundary-crossing experiences of Chinese immigrants.     

诗歌语言的张力——以区缺的《对话》为例

诗歌的语言设计是特别的，艺术的，具有张力的。诗歌本身就要求诗歌语言承载或可以承载作为诗歌语言张力代表性元素的丰富意象。区供教授的诗歌《对话》（Dialogue）讨论了诗歌语言的选择和设计，特别是虚词或模糊语言的频繁使用，使得诗歌语言较其它文体语言更具有模糊芙学的要素和张力。即使表面没有意象的诗歌，有时恰恰也可以承裁或通过诠释承载更加丰富的潜在意象；这种现象取决于诠释者／读者／译者如何根据自己的个体经验具体诠释或翻译来填充诗歌的意象虚位。     

中国经济特区的时代使命

中国经济特区的基本经验有两条:从现实形态来分析,是选择、引进并坚持了改革的市场经济取向:从深层动力来总结,就是尊重与拓展对人的解放.中国经济特区具有双重新使命:从"改革"的意义上讲,是加快完成向市场经济的转型,继续当好改革开放的先锋队;从"发展"的意义上讲,是加快实现发展方式的转变,早日建成国际性现代化城市,构筑中国区域经济的新版图.国际性现代化城市的根本标志是具有个人权利、自由发展的现代核心价值观念的形成和与之相适应的市场经济、民主政治等成型的基本制度的确立.将传统的威权政府演进成现代的服务政府,既是政治体制改革的核心内容,又是转变发展方式的基本条件.从相当的意义上讲,"把香港请进来",既符合改革开放的根本方向,又能寻找到构建现代城市的简捷路径.     

萧红、张爱玲文学视角比较研究

作为五四时期中国文坛耀眼的明星，萧红和张爱玲以独特的女性视角，展现了那个时代人们的生存心理、生存状况。由于相似的人生经历和情感经历，形成了二人苍凉悲苦的作品基调，却又迥然不同的文风。如果说萧红以悲悯的目光注视着社会底层女性的生存状况，“哀其不幸”，那么张爱玲则是以“冷傲”的姿态站在女性之外对女性的生存加以审视，“怒其不争”。     

跨文化文本空间中的性别对话——从《女勇士》中花木兰形象解读汤亭亭的跨文化叙事

美国当代作家汤亭亭在《女勇士》第二章《白虎山学道》中以中国传统故事中的花木兰为原型,通过融入中西文化元素塑造了一个现代“女勇士”形象,集中展示了她作为华裔作家的跨文化叙事策略。汤亭亭在《白虎山学道》中通过对于圣经、佛教和道教典故的改编和移植,在文本中建构了融汇东西方不同宗教文化的跨文化空间。跨文化空间的构建和“汤氏花木兰”形象的塑造不但在文本想象层面实现了男性和女性的性别对话,同时也传达了作家对于消解现实生活中以男权主导的性别对立模式的诉求。     

文学史书写视域下的朦胧诗经--以洪子诚四本文学史著作为中心

文学史作为朦胧诗研究重要场域,在其书写过程中对朦胧诗的经典化起到了重要作用。从朦胧诗文学史书写的缺席到文学谱系的建立,历史轮廓的勾勒和细节史实的阐述以及各种思潮文化影响下的流动,朦胧诗与文学史互为因果,共同参与和完成了其经典化的建构过程。     

中西比较诗学再思考——以《中国文论与西方诗学》为导引

余虹教授的《中国文论与西方诗学》一书意在借助现象学还原的基础上区分中国文论和西方诗学这两个概念,并指出二者的不可通约性。他的研究为澄清这两个重要的学术概念提供了极有价值的看法。也为后学跳出西方文艺理论话语范畴,重新发现中国文论的真意提供了可能的进路。本文有意对余虹教授的这一著作进行一个有关思想史脉络的梳理,进而提出中国古代文论与西方古典诗学存在一种先天共有的关怀。由此构成了二者在对人的教育问题上可以进行比较的空间。     

洪秀全“天国梦”与孙中山“民国梦”之比较

洪秀全的＂天国梦＂与孙中山的＂民国梦＂既有差异,也有相似之处。洪秀全渴望天王专制,幻想以均等的方式化解民生难题,实现人人温饱,最终人去梦碎;而孙中山倡导＂民有、民治、民享＂,希望民富国强。斯人虽去,但他的梦想在中国共产党人的努力下已经和正在变为现实。由于洪秀全、孙中山的梦想都滋生于中华大地,他们都继承和发展了中国传统的大同思想,都吸收借鉴了西方思想文化元素,都以推翻清廷为己任。     

洪武朝的礼乐制作与明代宫廷戏剧的复苏

明朝开国首开礼乐二局以重建礼乐规范,本着制乐以节乐的礼乐原则和功利性的礼乐观,洪武朝进行了一系列的礼乐制作,如制定礼书乐典,设立太常寺、教坊司、钟鼓司等礼乐机构,建立以教坊司为核心的乐籍制度等,意在通过礼乐制作,将本属于俗乐的乐府小令、杂剧百戏等纳入到雅乐系统,以雅乐规范俗乐,并最终实现礼乐一统的目的。而这一系列礼乐制作,也在一定程度上为杂剧戏曲等俗乐的兴起开了方便之门,宫廷戏剧在洪武朝开始趋于复苏。