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121.
20世纪50年代后期,世界核能和平利用技术迅速发展,核能发电已进入实用阶段。作为世界上唯一受过原子弹轰炸国家的日本,由于预计到未来能源的短缺,开始迫切地发展和引进核电设备和技术。这一时期通过与英国签定《日英原子能一般协定》,引进气冷式反应堆发电所,开启了日本核能发电之滥觞。虽然在交涉中,由于在技术上有求于人,日本作了不少让步,但《协定》的达成和核能设备的引进,却开辟了日本利用核能的新时代。  相似文献   
122.
日本福岛第一核电站核事故对中国核电发展的影响与启示   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
继"切尔诺贝利核电事故"后,日本福岛第一核电站核泄漏事故再次将世界核电发展推向十字路口。客观地分析这次核事故形成的原因与影响,对世界核电能否持续发展有着深远的意义。文章从各国政府、社会组织、公众和核企业的角度,描述了核泄漏事故的影响力度;立足中国核电发展的实际,探讨了从日本福岛核电站核泄漏事故中应获得的启示与借鉴,提出中国核电安全健康发展的保障措施与建议,强调了中国核电发展的必要性和可行性,指出发展核电是我国建设"两型社会"的客观需要和优化我国能源产业结构的科学选择。  相似文献   
123.
Over the past two decades, an increasing number of risk researchers have recognized that risks are not simply objective hazards but that the meanings of risk are discursively negotiated, dynamic and embedded within the wider social relations that constitute everyday life. A growing interest in the complexity and nuances of risk subjectivities has alerted sociocultural researchers not only to what is said in a risk situation, but also to how it is said and to what is unsaid and even, in a particular context, unsayable; to the intangible qualities of discourse that communicate additional meanings. Humour is both an intangible and marks such intangible meanings, yet it has largely been ignored and insufficiently theorized by risk researchers. In this paper, we draw upon insights from the humour literature - suspending the belief that humour is inherently good - to analyse and theorize humour as a way of examining the meanings and functions of risk. We show how humour can both mask and carefully reveal affectively charged states about living with nuclear risk. As such, it helps risk subjects to live with risk by suppressing vulnerabilities, enabling the negotiation of what constitutes a threat, and engendering a sense of empowerment. We conclude that humorous talk can be serious talk which can enrich our understandings of the lived experience of risk and of risk subjectivities.  相似文献   
124.
本文通过对大规模杀伤性武器的概念及其政治意涵的考察,关注中东地区的军备竞赛,分析了利比亚,以色列、埃及、叙利亚和伊朗等国的核计划和核政策,以及外部大国对中东地区核扩散的基本立场,指出在当前局势下中东地区无核区的提出和建设,不能从本质上改变该地区日趋恶化的安全形势.公正解决历史遗留问题和地区冲突,真正实现阿以和解,在有关国家问确立相互信任,才是解决问题的关键所在.  相似文献   
125.
北约在世纪之交开启对华交往,在特朗普政府上台后大幅调整对华政策。北约调整对华政策的根源在于:1)国际政治经济结构变化;2)北约将亚太安全视为全球安全使命的一部分;3)以美国为主导的北约决策机制失衡;4)北约延续并扩大冷战思维;5)在新冠肺炎疫情后;北约对华敌意增加。北约对华政策调整不利于国际政治、经济与安全结构建构,不利于亚太区域安全与稳定。中国要准确、系统、完整地认识北约对华政策调整,趋利避害,坚持合作共赢和对外开放,坚定维护国际多边主义,以实际行动打破北约的围堵与打压。  相似文献   
126.
The Future of Nuclear Power: Value Orientations and Risk Perception   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Since the turn of the 21st century, there has been a revival of interest in nuclear power. Two decades ago, the expansion of nuclear power in the United States was halted by widespread public opposition as well as rising costs and less than projected increases in demand for electricity. Can the renewed enthusiasm for nuclear power overcome its history of public resistance that has persisted for decades? We propose that attitudes toward nuclear power are a function of perceived risk, and that both attitudes and risk perceptions are a function of values, beliefs, and trust in the institutions that influence nuclear policy. Applying structural equation models to data from a U.S. national survey, we find that increased trust in the nuclear governance institutions reduces perceived risk of nuclear power and together higher trust and lower risk perceptions predict positive attitudes toward nuclear power. Trust in environmental institutions and perceived risks from global environmental problems do not predict attitudes toward nuclear power. Values do predict attitudes: individuals with traditional values have greater support for, while those with altruistic values have greater opposition to, nuclear power. Nuclear attitudes do not vary by gender, age, education, income, or political orientation, though nonwhites are more supportive than whites. These findings are consistent with, and provide an explanation for, a long series of public opinion polls showing public ambivalence toward nuclear power that persists even in the face of renewed interest for nuclear power in policy circles.  相似文献   
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