Public relations education in a divided society: PR, terrorism and critical pedagogy in post-conflict Northern Ireland

Most students entering higher education in Northern Ireland's two universities have experienced a highly segregated educational system since they were five years old. This context creates a specific set of issues and problems for the educator who wishes to engage with student groups in a critical analysis of complex and controversial topics within the curriculum. This article presents the results of a research project which was designed to assess student (and educator) experiences of studying the issue of ‘PR and terrorism’ at Northern Ireland's largest university. Data was gathered from undergraduate public relations students using survey questionnaires (administered before and after the teaching and learning experience). The educators engaged in this activity also report on their own ‘participant observation’ experiences and reflect critically upon the role academic staff might play in developing pedagogic practices which are accepting of diversity in respect to controversial and complex curriculum topics.     

当代国际恐怖主义的“宗教动员”

以宗教名义进行社会动员,是当代全球恐怖主义的一个重要特征。宗教动员下的恐怖主义已成为当代恐怖主义的主导势力,并经历了三重路径,且每条路径中都表现出国际"安全阀"遭到双重的破坏和挑战。梳理当代国际恐怖主义因"宗教动员"而泛滥的路径,可以为国际反恐提供某种思路,从而消除恐怖主义进行"宗教动员"的不良后果,并优化良好的宗教发展环境。     

"东突"恐怖主义与中国政府对策

长期以来中国饱受“东突”恐怖主义的危害 ,2 0世纪 90年代是“东突”恐怖势力发展最迅速、活动最猖獗的时期。“东突”恐怖势力勾结国际恐怖主义组织、策划了一系列恐怖暴力事件 ,严重危害了中国各族人民的生命财产安全和社会稳定。有效打击“东突”恐怖主义 ,必须注意大力发展新疆经济 ,建立反恐机构、严厉打击恐怖活动 ,加强对宗教事务的管理、搞好民族关系 ,加强媒体的宣传作用 ,同时还应与国际社会联手 ,加强反恐国际合作     

也门恐怖活动近况与美国的反恐对策

2009年下半年以来,也门基地组织的恐怖活动对国际社会尤其对美国造成了严重威胁,引起了国际社会的广泛关注。也门北部的胡塞主义者叛乱和基地组织在也门的重新发展壮大,是国际反恐怖阵营的主要关注点。由于经济落后、社会不稳等因素,再加上传统的尚武文化,也门很难在短期内摆脱恐怖主义问题的困扰。虽然美国面临来自也门的严重恐怖主义威胁,但由于受困于伊拉克和阿富汗战场,美国不可能在也门开辟反恐第三战场。     

也门恐怖活动近况与美国的反恐对策

2009年下半年以来,也门基地组织的恐怖活动对国际社会尤其对美国造成了严重威胁,引起了国际社会的广泛关注。也门北部的胡塞主义者叛乱和基地组织在也门的重新发展壮大,是国际反恐怖阵营的主要关注点。由于经济落后、社会不稳等因素,再加上传统的尚武文化,也门很难在短期内摆脱恐怖主义问题的困扰。虽然美国面临来自也门的严重恐怖主义威胁,但由于受困于伊拉克和阿富汗战场,美国不可能在也门开辟反恐第三战场。     

Immigration,terrorism, and the economy

In this paper, we look at the interaction of terrorism with immigrants’ quality of life (measured by the foreign-born unemployment rate and globalization level) for OECD countries, and its impact on GDP per capita. We find strong evidence that GDP per capita is adversely affected by domestic terrorism. The magnitude of this effect is also substantial: at the sample mean, a one-standard-deviation increase in the number of domestic incidents is found to decrease GDP per capita between 5.7 % and 7.8 % of the sample average depending on the specification used. These results contrast with previous research which finds that transnational terrorism primarily affects these economic indicators. We find strong evidence that when we factor in the interaction of the foreign-born unemployment rate with either type of terrorism, an increase in the foreign-born unemployment rate decreases GDP per capita. On the policy front, we show that peace is valuable, and OECD countries will benefit by adopting policies to reduce the problem of terrorism. We also find that an increase in the foreign-born unemployment rate has a large negative impact on GDP per capita and policies that close the gap between foreign-born and native-born unemployment rates (for example, those aimed at reducing discrimination against immigrants) help the economy.     

How critical is the event? Multicultural Norway after 22 July 2011

It is commonly assumed that insecurity experienced by citizens in the wake of a terror attack gives rise to public demands for strong countermeasures, which political leaders must respond to. This article asks how Norwegian society was affected by the 22 July 2011 attacks against the government office complex in Oslo and Labour Party youth camp on Utøya. Combining quantitative and qualitative methods, it analyses political impact, examining post-22 July public debates and related policymaking. A dataset of newspaper op-eds and commentaries was created to determine the significance of key issues debated in the print media after the attacks, and changes over time in the intensity of debates. Key issues were then followed up in a qualitative analysis of policy implications. The study further investigated the discursive framing of the attacks, and the problems and possible solutions evoked in the debates. Was this a ‘critical event’ as Veena Das has theorised, bringing about new sorts of action through the reworking of traditional categories, codes or meanings? Public security emerges as the key frame within which the 22 July attacks have been debated. Arguments over police reforms and alleged inaction by authorities stand out as the most lasting debate.     

国际反恐合作与新疆稳定

随着9·11事件以后国际反恐大势的形成,通过国际合作打击恐怖主义、分裂主义、极端主义“三股势力”成为中国维护新疆稳定的重要战略措施。文章总结了中国采取的三项国际合作战略措施。首先是上海合作组织的成立为打击“东突”恐怖势力确立了国际合作的制度框架,推进了与中亚国家的反恐合作。其次,通过与邻国的军事演习协调彼此立场,促进互信与合作。此外,中国还在更为广阔的国际空间发展与包括美国在内的其他大国的反恐合作。最后认为国际反恐合作取得了很大成就,“东突”恐怖势力的活动空间特别是国际活动空间被大幅挤压,“东突”恐怖势力得到有效遏制。     

Terrorism,military operations and farmer’s income in Waziristan (Pakistan)

This study examined the impact of military operations induced by terrorism on farmer’s income by collecting data from North and South Waziristan Agencies in Pakistan. Both regions have similar climate, lifestyle and agricultural activities but North was facing war while there was no war on terrorism in South. Data were collected from 110 respondents through interviews by using structured questionnaire. In estimated models, North Waziristan farmers’ income was significantly lower than the South Waziristan farmers due to military operation induced by terrorism. Government of Pakistan can enhance farm income by promoting education, livestock, orchard farming, market access and extension services.     

Does counterterrorist legislation hurt human rights practices? A longitudinal cross-national analysis

In the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, many countries have passed new counterterrorist legislation. One of the common assumptions about such legislation is that it comes with a price: a compromise to practices of human rights. Previous research, looking at a wide range of case studies, suggested that this is indeed the case and that counterterrorist legislation often leads to subsequent repression. However, no large-scale cross-national study has yet assessed this relationship. Relying on a newly assembled database on nation-level counterterrorist legislation for the years 1981–2009, we conduct a cross-national time series analysis of legislation and repression. Our analyses find little evidence for a significant relationships between national counterterrorist legislation and various measures of core human rights in most countries. However, while legislation does not affect repression of physical integrity rights in countries with low and high levels of repression, it is associated with greater state repression in countries with intermediate scores of repression.