Shared‐use mining infrastructure: Why it matters and how to achieve it

This article considers the cases for and against ‘open access’ regulation of rail and port logistics infrastructure used by ‘bulk’ mining operations, arguing that host governments should proactively impose and then enforce such regulation in almost all cases. The logistics infrastructure needed for this type of mining activity is of critical importance. The costs and potential inefficiencies involved in duplicating such infrastructure confer a significant competitive advantage on its owner in the absence of effective access regulation. In particular, where a first mover develops an ‘integrated’ project incorporating a mine and associated infrastructure, a failure to impose access regulation discourages third‐party investment in mineral exploration and development in the region serviced by the infrastructure, due to the risk of hold‐up by the first mover. An unregulated first mover can also use its infrastructure advantage to capture the state's share of resource rents from the mineral endowment of the region. Open access regulation further benefits host countries by enabling broad‐based economic development through the shared‐use of mining infrastructure with other sectors (e.g., agribusiness). The article highlights contrasting experience with access regulation in Australia: the Pilbara iron ore region has seen protracted disputes involving mining firms and policy‐makers and very few examples of third‐party access, while in the coal region of central Queensland an extensive multi‐user, multi‐purpose railway network operates independently of mining firms. The authors urge governments in sub‐Saharan Africa (in particular) not to underestimate the internal capacity and other challenges associated with developing and enforcing open access regulation of mining infrastructure in a manner that protects their national interests.     

Establishing Laws and Policies on Parent to Child Violence in Finland 1965–1983

This study explores perceptions of parent to child violence, the arguments for imposing legal regulation, and the intended objectives of the legislative process that led to a ban in Finland in 1983. This qualitative policy analysis examines policy documents alongside expert interviews with professional on the legislative process. The example of Finland shows that a significant change in attitudes and decreased levels of violence towards children can be achieved without the threat of legal punishment, even without specific intervention policies. However, the study emphasises the importance of establishing clear practices alongside altering legislation which has been inadequate in Finland.     

Stop the Beat: Quiet Regulation and Cultural Conflict1

This article explores a recent conflict over the youth phenomenon known as “raving” in the City of Chicago. By interviewing participants involved in the conflict, I set out to understand the extent to which the crackdown on raves in Chicago was similar to earlier social reactions to jazz, comic books, rock and roll, and Dead Head culture, as well as to more recent conflicts over punk, rap music, and raves in other cities. While most previous research on cultural conflict has focused on moral crusades, campaigns, and panics, the Chicago conflict represents an example of “quiet regulation.” Opponents refrained from highly visible, morally charged attacks; instead, in the absence of media hype and visible public discourse, public officials justified the crackdown in highly bureaucratic terms—avoiding risk, collecting taxes, enforcing codes. Nonetheless, they also drew on cultural schemas that linked raves and raving with drugs, sex, and deviance. As a result, officials selected a course of regulation that criminalized DJs and discredited the artform. In the absence of a highly visible moral campaign, the rave participants were unable to mobilize and resist the regulation and defend their lifestyle. Sociologists must move beyond highly visible campaigns and crusades and pay greater attention to quiet regulation, both because such regulation is likely to increase in the future and because it has significant consequences for power, cultural expression, and identity.     

A Pilot Study of 2 Brief Forms of Dialectical Behavior Therapy Skills Training for Emotion Dysregulation in College Students

Abstract

Objective: To examine the feasibility and initial efficacy of 2 abbreviated dialectical behavior therapy (DBT) skills training groups: emotion regulation skills only and emotion regulation with mindfulness skills. Participants: Participants were 24 undergraduates (aged 18–29) with significant emotion dysregulation who participated between February and May of 2010, 2011, and 2012. Methods: Participants participated in 2-hour weekly group sessions for 8 weeks and completed outcome measures at baseline, midtreatment, posttreatment, and 4-week follow-up. Results: Participants in both conditions made significant gains, with large effect sizes, across measures of emotion regulation, affect, skills use, and functioning. There were no differences between the 2 groups, suggesting no additive benefit of mindfulness skills. Conclusions: This pilot study provides support for the acceptability and efficacy of abbreviated DBT skills training in colleges, given significant improvements, positive feedback, and low attrition. Impediments to feasibility included recruitment difficulties, particularly due to scheduling constraints.     

中华民族共同体意识培育要凸显社会主义属性

社会主义制度是中华民族共同体意识培育的政治基础和底气。从中华民族共同体意识形成与确立的内在逻辑和演进机制入手方能辨析其本质特征,中华民族整体意识最终确立于抗日战争时期,这一共识形成和确立的基础是广泛的爱国主义。因此,"中华民族"及其议题本身不具有制度规定性,具有价值中立性特征,与主流意识形态相契合方能形成巨大的现实力量。在近代中国对社会主义道路的选择、在建设与改革时期对社会主义制度的坚守持续滋养中华民族整体意识,社会主义制度使中华民族共同体意识获得内在的规定性。在中华民族共同体意识的培育中要凸显社会主义属性,切实把握方向和大局,以确保中华民族共同体意识正确的政治方向。     

民事诉讼行政介入的程序规制研究

规制行政介入司法尤其是民事司法,除了深化司法体制改革的体制规制路径,将行政机关意见表达纳入民事诉讼程序是其另一程序规制路径.程序规制具有公正审判权请求权、论辩式民事诉讼对话逻辑、诉权制约行政权、民事审判实质公开的“武器支撑”.“法庭之友”制度对民事诉讼行政介入具有程序规制作用,中国行政机关可以“法庭之友”身份参与民事诉讼、进行意见表达.行政机关担当“法庭之友”不会损害独立审判,相反有利于司法公正公开.行政机关担当“法庭之友”以维护公共利益为限,是新型诉讼参与人,应明确其诉讼权利义务,构建行政机关作为“法庭之友”参诉的具体程序.     

竞争市场中生产与碳交易策略

在碳排放约束下,利用动态古诺模型,分析厂商如何优化产量、交易碳排放权的规模、净化节约额以实现利润最大化的问题,得到相应的均衡量和各阶段最优量,并给出竞争市场中的企业减排策略以及政府的行为和碳排放权价格对企业减排策略的影响,阐述在竞争市场中减排和碳排放权交易的运行机制。研究发现: 双寡头竞争市场中存在均衡状态;在减排率较低时,制造上获得最高利润,而企业追求过高的减排率将会导致过分依赖碳减排市场而获得较低的利润;制造商应该适时低价购入过量碳排放权,而在高价时卖出多余的碳排放权,以充分利用碳排放权市场以增加利润降低成本;制造商的利润会随着政府碳排放权分配系数的增加而增加。     

“波特假说”的人力资本条件分析与检验

“波特假说”预言环境保护和经济发展可以实现双赢。研究认为,人力资本是实现环境友好型技术进步以及环境-经济综合绩效提升的支撑和匹配条件,亦即人力资本是“波特假说”成立的重要条件变量。实证结果显示:人力资本水平对环境-经济综合绩效存在直接的正向影响,且在东部和中部地区较为显著;全样本估计中环境规制对环境-经济综合绩效直接影响不显著,而人力资本可以改善环境规制的影响效应,间接作用于环境-经济综合绩效;进一步依据人力资本水平的分组检验,证实“波特假说”在人力资本水平较高地区的成立性,人力资本对环境-经济综合绩效的直接和间接影响均显著,验证了人力资本是“波特假说”成立条件这一分析结论。“新常态”下,应加强人力资本积累,健全人力资本流动机制,并依据地区人力资本条件科学实施环境规制,才能推动环境-经济综合绩效稳步提升。     

我国环境多元治理模式法律保障机制探究

未清晰地认识和定位政府、企业、社会公众三者的关系,未处理好三者的分工与衔接,是造成我国环境多元治理模式难以落实的关键问题。究其主要原因在于过分依赖传统政府管制模式的路径,以致政府在环境治理中起主导作用而轻视企业、社会公众作为治理主体的力量,导致其他治理主体参与环境治理法律机制的缺失。比较分析三者存在的障碍,提出落实环境多元治理模式法律保障的建议,从而构建起三者相互协作、共同治理环境的新局面。     

财政调控的价值定位、方式创新及法治化路径

近期财政部出台的法治财政建设实施方案将宏观调控的创新方式借用于财政领域,提出财政面向上的区间调控、定向调控、相机调控、精准调控和适时预调微调等,体现出财政的工具主义价值。从形式上来看,这与当下公共财政时代所要求的规范主义价值,存在着阶段性目标追求的二律背反,但基于财政有效治理的国家任务,两者又统一于良法善治的终极价值属性之中。对于仍深受财政工具主义思维禁锢的当下中国而言,更应提倡的是财政的规范主义价值,防止偏重调控结果有效而轻视调控过程正义,从遵循调控法定、尊重市场规则和坚持民生导向的路径出发,以期实现在调控权力控制下的国家全面可持续性发展。