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51.
This study examined how Turkey uses social media as a tool for public diplomacy and how the state’s soft-power efforts have recently changed on the global stage. The researchers constructed a dataset of 2769 Twitter posts by the Turkish government’s most influential public diplomacy accounts. The analyses revealed that the focus of Turkey’s Twitter public diplomacy has become concentrated on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region and is thematically focused on the political values embodied by the Turkish president. The findings suggest that public diplomacy remains to be the diplomacy of the government, not of the public, and social media is used as just another tool for propaganda, not as a means of engagement with foreign publics. Further, the findings indicate the emergence of a “new” cult of personality in public diplomacy and point out the instrumental role of social media in changing the dynamics of leader-follower relationship. The study contributes to public relations theory and practice by advancing the burgeoning public diplomacy scholarship at the intersection of social media and relational approaches. 相似文献
52.
Jun Fu 《Journal of youth studies》2018,21(2):129-143
This paper examines the experiences of belonging of young Chinese internet users through an analysis of their online identity practices. Drawing on a qualitative research project about online citizenship practices of 31 young Chinese citizens from mainland China, I explore their experiences of belonging on two online platforms (Weibo and WeChat) and the identities formed and sustained through these experiences. The results show that young people experience different senses of belonging in different social media spaces. Their strategies in navigating these experiences are informed by (a) their perceptions of online spaces as private or public, and (b) using online identity performance as a supplement to or escape from identities in physical life. I argue that young Chinese internet users experience different senses of belonging by flexibly appropriating the affordances of social media platforms for communication and networking; these senses of belonging play a key role in forming and sustaining their identities, and are crucial for their wellbeing. 相似文献
53.
《Journal of homosexuality》2012,59(9):1158-1173
Comparisons of a popular lesbian lifestyle magazine to a popular heterosexual women's magazine show that lesbian-controlled media do indeed expand representation when it comes to weight, age, and degree of femininity/masculinity, but not in terms of racial representation. An examination of the textual material and visual images also shows that the lesbian publication gives women a more active role, while the heterosexual magazine depicts females as more passive. However, the evidence also shows that the lesbian and heterosexual magazines have similar rates of objectification, but substantively, the lesbian magazine is less severe in degree of objectification. 相似文献
54.
Bill Calder 《Feminist Media Studies》2016,16(3):413-428
From the 1970s in Australia, feminist collectives published lesbian magazines that challenged gay male thinking, the women’s movement, and mainstream society. From the late 1980s such publishing ventures were increasingly undertaken by privately-owned publishing businesses. Responding to change around them, the political project for these private media ventures shifted from radical restructuring of society to promotion of lesbian community. Their publishers developed synergies with this developing community that expanded advertising revenues and distribution, and assisted the growth of both community and the publications. This led to greater readership reach and a range of relationships with mainstream businesses that further built community and made lesbians more visible. 相似文献
55.
高紫薇 《广西青年干部学院学报》2012,22(5):42-44
在经济全球化、思想文化多元化、信息化和科学技术飞速发展、我国综合国力和国际竞争力不断增强的背景下,新媒体已渗透到人们日常生活的方方面面。"90后"大学生呈现出独特的思想、行为模式,给大学生思想政治教育工作带来挑战。因此,认清和把握"90后"大学生的思想、行为特点,充分借助新媒体的优势,有针对性地开展大学生思想政治教育工作,提升思想政治教育工作的实效性显得尤为重要。 相似文献
56.
Jenny L. Davis 《Information, Communication & Society》2017,20(5):770-783
Curation is a key mechanism of sociality in a digital era. With an abundance of information, sifting, sorting, selecting, hiding, and standing out become laborious tasks. While researchers have diligently documented people’s curatorial strategies, digital curation remains undertheorized in its own right. I therefore theorize digital curation by disentangling productive curation from consumptive curation, addressing how people curate content that they share, and that which they consume. I embed these agentic curatorial practices within structural bounds, both social and technological. In doing so, I offer a basic theoretical model that captures a dynamic relationship between individual curators, their social networks, and technological design. 相似文献
57.
Grounded in first- and second-level agenda building, this study explored the role of the U.S. Senate Majority Leader in shaping the salience of issues and issue attributes in news media coverage and policymaking in 2011. A total of 358 public relations messages, 164 newspaper articles, and 83 policymaking documents were analyzed. Significant correlations were found supporting agenda-building linkages at both levels. Different types of information subsidies were explored, including press releases, blog posts, Facebook posts, and Twitter messages. 相似文献
58.
This paper provides insight into the dialogic potential of Turkish environmental NPO websites, including social media adoption. However, 23 of 50 websites examined failed to meet half the criteria for building relationships (n 35). Of 19 sites with connections to social media, 16 used new media potentialities, however only four met all social media adoption criteria. 相似文献
59.
Francesco Bailo 《Information, Communication & Society》2017,20(11):1660-1679
Public protest events are now both social media and news media events. They are deeply entangled, with news media actors – such as journalists or news organisations – directly participating in the protest by tweeting about the event using the protest hashtag; and social media actors sharing news items published online by professional news agencies. Protesters have always deployed tactics to engage the media and use news media agencies’ resources to amplify their reach, with the dual aim of mobilising new supporters and adding their voice to public, mediatised debate. When protest moves between a physical space and a virtual space, the interactions between protesters and media stop being asynchronous or post hoc and turn instantaneous. In this new media-protest ecosystem, traditional media are still relevant sources of information and legitimacy, yet this dynamic is increasingly underpinned by a hybrid interdependency between traditional news and social media sources. In this paper we focus on an anti-austerity government movement that arose in Australia in early 2014 and was mobilised as a series of social media driven, connective action protest events. We show that there is a complex symbiotic interdependency between the movement and the traditional media for recognition and amplification of initial protest events, but that over time as media interest wanes, the movements’ network becomes disconnected and momentum is lost. This suggests that the active role traditional media play in protest events is being underestimated in the current research agenda on connective action. 相似文献
60.
This study explores the role played by social media in reshaping the repression-mobilization relationship. Drawing on the case of the Occupy Wall Street movement, we examine the impact of Facebook and Twitter on the spatial diffusion of protests during a period of heightened state repression. Results from event history analyses suggest that the effects of repression on protest diffusion are contingent on the presence of social media accounts supporting the movement. We find that state repression at earlier protest sites encouraged activists to create Facebook and Twitter accounts in their own cities, which then served as important vehicles for the initiation of new Occupy protests. Moreover, results suggest that repression incidents can directly facilitate future protests in cities that already have Occupy Facebook accounts. This study highlights the potential of social media to both mediate and moderate the influence of repression on the diffusion of contemporary movements. 相似文献