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101.
以人为本的社会属性与实现途径 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
黄元山 《湖北民族学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》2010,28(1):145-149
中国共产党创立的科学发展观,强调核心是以人为本,其中的“人”是全体人、多需人、多代人。社会主义制度从根本上铲除了人的劳动成果异化为奴役人的工具的社会基础,人民群众成为社会的真正主人,中国共产党除了人民群众根本利益以外,没有任何特殊利益,这就为人的自由全面发展开辟出广阔的实现途径。 相似文献
102.
103.
Bogumil Jewsiewicki 《Social Identities》2013,19(2):227-262
Abstract This article explores the relationship between secularization and commodification of culture on one hand, and national identity always represented as Christian mystery on the other. Focusing on three case studies, Poland, Quebec and Zaire, the author analyses the place of an ordinary object (commodity) as a vehicle of representation of people's affirmation of belonging to a ‘nation’. He stresses the disposable nature of such an affirmation of belonging which allows everyone to alter or cast off the symbols of belonging while changing their social or political contexts. 相似文献
104.
105.
Chui Ping Iris Kam 《Social Identities》2013,19(6):649-661
This paper examines the use of Chinese traditions for the formation of a felt Hong Kong identity and a national identity among students in the personal and social education curriculum before and after reunification with China in 1997. This paper argues that the addition of China elements to the curriculum after reunification contributes to the continuous ambiguous identity of students, which is consistent with the results of various poll surveys about the civic identity of Hong Kong people in a larger context. This is because the personal and social education reform after reunification assumed a simple correlation between the patriotic feelings of students and their knowledge of China. It does not question how the promotion of an intensely unifying ‘cultural identity’ as political commitment is differentiated from the day-to-day ‘cultural experiences’ of students. 相似文献
106.
Haley Gentile 《Social Identities》2013,19(2):207-223
ABSTRACTSocial movements confronting overlapping inequalities face the unique challenge of elucidating the heretofore invisible experiences of those whose identities lie at the intersection of existing movements. Social media platforms provide a direct outlet for intersectional social movements to make political claims visually by illuminating these complexities creatively with discursive resources such as symbols, text, and narratives. Using content analysis of images posted to the organization’s Facebook, we examine how lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) immigration activists – as embodied by the Queer Undocumented Immigrant Project (QUIP) – attempt to communicate intersectionality online. Images posted by QUIP demonstrate how the existing ideas and values of separate established immigrant and LGBTQ movements can be reformulated and repackaged. However, the available discursive resources may compartmentalize identities, which then requires movements to generate new symbols, text, and narratives. By leveraging extant discursive resources and innovating new expressions, activists aim to communicate intersectional experiences and unite multiple struggles. 相似文献
107.
Moses Metumara Duruji 《National Identities》2013,15(4):329-350
The renewed demand for Biafra by Igbo people is a rejection of their post-war socio-political and economic condition in Nigeria. Through the processing of primary data, the paper examines this reinvention of Igbo nationalism. It looks at its linkage with the 1999 democratic transition in Nigeria, its implications and management by the government. The paper concludes that the renewed demand for Biafra is caused by perception of inequities and injustice in the distribution of power and resources among the Igbo. Hence a deliberate effort to correct these social problems can assuage ethnic tensions and presumption of political violence in Nigeria. 相似文献
108.
Risk,Media, and Stigma at Rocky Flats 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Public responses to nuclear technologies are often strongly negative. Events, such as accidents or evidence of unsafe conditions at nuclear facilities, receive extensive and dramatic coverage by the news media. These news stories affect public perceptions of nuclear risks and the geographic areas near nuclear facilities. One result of these perceptions, avoidance behavior, is a form of technological stigma that leads to losses in property values near nuclear facilities. The social amplification of risk is a conceptual framework that attempts to explain how stigma is created through media transmission of information about hazardous places and public perceptions and decisions. This paper examines stigma associated with the U.S. Department of Energy's Rocky Flats facility, a major production plant in the nation's nuclear weapons complex, located near Denver, Colorado. This study, based upon newspaper analyses and a survey of Denver area residents, finds that the social amplification theory provides a reasonable framework for understanding the events and public responses that took place in regard to Rocky Flats during a 6-year period, beginning with an FBI raid of the facility in 1989. 相似文献
109.
关注社会公平,构建和谐社会 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
卢新华 《河南理工大学学报(社会科学版)》2008,9(1)
社会公平是围绕尊重和实现每个人的生存和发展权利而形成的一个多维的社会范畴,主要包括权利公平、机会公平、规则公平、过程公平和分配公平等内容。目前,我国社会存在的社会不公现象是引起社会不和谐的重要原因之一。实现社会公平是构建社会主义和谐社会的一项既重要又紧迫的现实任务。必须继续完善分配制度改革,逐步缩小贫富差距;继续深化教育改革,实现教育公平;完善司法制度,维护司法公正;完善社会保障制度,保障群众的基本生活。 相似文献
110.
谢永平 《盐城师范学院学报》2006,26(3):22-28
明清时期东南城镇是我国商品经济最为发达的地区,作为明清时期最大的商帮的徽商的经营活动离不开东南城镇。东南城镇是徽商商业活动的中心,徽商采用种种手段,获得了丰厚的商业利润。明清东南城镇经济对徽商资本的积累产生了重要的影响。本文所论及的东南城镇是指明清时代的江宁府、镇江府、常州府、苏州府、太仓州、松江府、杭州府、嘉兴府、湖州府八府一州的大小城镇。 相似文献