毛杜迪的圣战观念和伊斯兰革命理论

毛杜迪是20世纪重要的现代伊斯兰主义思想家.1927年,他在《伊斯兰圣战》一书中详细地阐述了伊斯兰圣战的含义、目标、性质和形式.他的圣战观念对整个穆斯林世界产生了重要影响.然而,毛杜迪在阐述伊斯兰国家理论时,并没有使用圣战观念.他主张采取和平的革命方式,通过宣传伊斯兰教信仰,实现穆斯林社会的思想变革,从而取得伊斯兰革命的胜利.因此,只有对毛杜迪的圣战观念和伊斯兰革命理论进行综合研究与分析,才能全面客观地认识和评价毛杜迪的现代伊斯兰主义思想.     

从借词看伊斯兰教对维吾尔文化影响的层次

伊斯兰教的东传带给维吾尔文化的影响是深刻的,本文以语言人类学的视角,从日常用语、惯用语及民族心理塑造等方面谈到了来自伊斯兰文化中的借词与维吾尔文化的关系,进一步说明,地处东、西文明交汇地的特殊优势赋予维吾尔文化以开放性和兼容性的特质,使得维吾尔文化在其未来的历程中并不只是成为简单的模仿者而是积极的创造者.     

中亚国家独立以来大国对中亚的争夺

由于国际政治多极化及全球化的日益推进 ,不同政治体系之间在政治、经济、外交、军事和其他交往中构成了国际相互作用的结构或者体系。中亚问题已经成为多极化政治在国际上的体现。中亚国家独立以来 ,不同势力展开了对中亚的争夺 ,具体表现在以俄罗斯为首的独联体国家、美国、欧洲国家、伊斯兰国家以及日本、韩国等一些国家在中亚的介入 ,这些国家或势力以不同的战略目标、不同的态势进入中亚 ,在独立 1 0年来不同时期中亚国家的外交舞台上扮演了不同的角色。本文通过分析指出 ,以美国为首的西方国家在中亚的争夺战中越来越侧重经济、政治和军事的共同嵌入 ,这是值得我们注意的一个新动向     

The politics of engagement between Islam and the secular state: ambivalences of 'civil society'

The paper reveals contemporary transformations of the interaction between Islam and secular states from opposition to engagement. In-depth ethnographic evidence challenges the predominant juxtaposition of Islam against the secular state. Following micro-sites of interaction between the Gülen movement and the state from Turkey to Kazakhstan, my fieldwork revealed a continuum of engagements between them. The paper analyses the engagements ranging from contestation and negotiation to co-operation. The case illustrates the extent to which scholarly interest in opposition and clash has left a wide-ranging variety of state-Islam interaction understudied with regard to civil society. It also reveals the conditions under which effective Islamic horizontal organizations have provided the platforms of vertical engagements with the secular states. The major argument of the paper is that both civil and uncivil outcomes in the Muslim world are primarily shaped by the nature of state-Islam interaction. The evidence suggests that the key to understanding the relationship between Islam and civil society is the state.     

Iranian College Students’ Attitudes Toward Premarital Sex,Marriage, and Family Before and After the Islamic Revolution

ABSTRACT. Objectives: The purpose of this study was to examine Iranian college students’ attitudes toward premarital sex and marriage before and after the Islamic Revolution. Methods: Responses to a survey from 526 students at University of Shiraz in 2011 were compared to those from another study of 392 students from the same university who completed the same survey in 1977 (2 years before the Islamic Revolution). Results: No substantial changes were observed to indicate that college students adopted theocratic views on premarital sex and marriage after the Islamic Revolution. Conclusions: The Islamic regime's efforts to cultivate conservative attitudes toward sexuality and marriage have not achieved their goals.     

Looking beyond ethnicity: the negotiation of Chinese Muslim identity in Penang,Malaysia

The conflation of ethnic and religious identities, particularly that of Malay and Muslim, has long historical and political roots in Malaysia. Being one of the most safeguarded identity marks in Malaysia, Islam has become part of the core of Malay ethnicity and plays a prominent role in ethnic politics. Muslim converts from ethnic minorities, such as the Chinese and Indians, are therefore faced with social expectation and pressure to ‘become Malay’. This paper discusses the difficulty and improbability of Chinese Muslim identity in the previous literature and the recent development that enables the decoupling of religious and ethnic identities. By looking beyond ethnicity, the most salient social divider in Malaysia, and looking into other possibilities, such as religious identity, this paper aims to paint a picture of social relations and identification that is more complex yet flexible amongst the Chinese Muslim converts in Penang.     

论哈桑·班纳的政治伊斯兰思想

作为埃及穆斯林兄弟会的创始人,哈桑·班纳的思想和实践在当代政治伊斯兰运动中有着极为重要的影响。班纳的政治伊斯兰思想主要体现在:力图对伊斯兰作出整全性的解释,以此为创造伊斯兰秩序提供思想根据;提出了伊斯兰国家的政治纲领,反对穆斯林社会的西方化、世俗化倾向;力主自下而上的伊斯兰化,注重圣战在造就伊斯兰国家中的作用,并倡导世界范围的泛伊斯兰主义。本文通过对其思想的发掘和梳理以期更好认识当今政治伊斯兰运动的渊源和本质特征。     

Attitudes Toward Homosexuality in China: Exploring the Effects of Religion,Modernizing Factors,and Traditional Culture

Using the zero-inflated model and nationally representative sample data from the Chinese General Social Surveys 2013, this study systematically explored the effects of religion, modernizing factors, and traditional culture on attitudes toward homosexuality in China. The findings indicate that most Chinese people generally hold conservative attitudes toward homosexuality, as approximately 78.53% of the respondents believed that “same-sex sexual behavior is always wrong.” Modernizing factors (i.e., education, exposure to Internet information, and liberal inclinations) predicted greater tolerance for homosexuality, whereas Islamic beliefs negatively influenced respondents’ attitudes toward homosexuality. In contrast to the findings of the existing literature, Christian beliefs and traditional culture did not have significant effects on attitudes toward homosexuality. These findings may contribute to the literature by not only quantitatively testing the applicability of several factors identified in most Western studies of this topic but also providing new knowledge of attitudes toward homosexuality in the social context of China.     

伊朗巴斯基民兵的历史嬗变与转型

巴斯基民兵是伊朗伊斯兰革命卫队下属的武装力量。霍梅尼设立该组织的初衷是为了动员民众积极捍卫政权,扩大统治基础。此后在哈梅内伊授意下,巴斯基民兵逐渐加入保守派阵营,并在内贾德政府时期实现了快速发展。鲁哈尼上台后,伊朗国内政治派系斗争加剧,该组织随之进入了蛰伏期。巴斯基民兵具有基层性、等级性、"革命性"和功能多元化等组织特征,对伊朗政治、经济发展和社会认同等方面均产生了不同程度的影响。近年来,巴斯基民兵还介入伊朗在叙利亚、伊拉克等国的军事行动和经济建设。当前,在特朗普政府加大对伊朗制裁的背景下,巴斯基民兵将继续发挥其作为政府"安全阀"的作用。     

全球化背景下的清真寺功能评估

提供宗教礼拜场所是清真寺的基本功能,内含“六大信仰”的宣传和“五大功修”的实践,在不断协调人神关系中凸现清真寺传播与实践伊斯兰神学精神的实质,并派生出基本建筑元素“变与不变”的发展规律;清真寺还具有教育、科研、慈善、司法、外交、社区服务等一系列衍生功能,渗透着伊斯兰“世俗关切”的情怀,解决了人与人之间的关系;功能发生变异又折射出清真寺在宗教与政治夹缝中生存的尴尬境遇,“涉寺事件”就是“各种权力精英”依赖圣寺、名寺的象征资源优势来达到“政治动员”目的结果,背离了伊斯兰的和平本质与清真寺的禁武精神;在全球化背景下对清真寺功能作客观评估,也是对全球治理中“伊斯兰因素”作深入思考：清真寺功能衍变将对全球文明对话的理论与实践产生深远影响、清真寺的变异功能仍会以“涉寺事件”的方式加大解决阿拉伯一伊斯兰问题的难度、清真寺伊玛目能否坚守“和平与禁武”的基本精神也会对国家和地区的非传统安全产生一定的影响、清真寺的衍生功能已在解决美欧穆斯林移民问题的具体实践中发挥了特殊而积极的作用。