Advocacy for Black and Minority Ethnic Communities: Understandings and Expectations

Recent policy has promoted ‘advocacy’ as a meansof promoting social justice for many disadvantaged groups. Yet‘advocacy’ is a contested concept, and the understandingsthat members of disadvantaged groups themselves have of advocacyhave rarely been explored. Previous research indicates thatunderstandings may vary considerably. Using empirical evidencefrom research conducted in Glasgow, Scotland, this paper examinesthe understandings and expectations of ‘advocacy’held by black and minority ethnic (BME) service providers andpotential service users. The BME service providers believedthat they were offering advocacy, and did so in the contextof a marginalized position for their services. The BME communitymembers supported the development of advocacy services, buttheir own marginalization was in many ways reinforced by servicesthey were already using. They had clear ideas about appropriateadvocacy services for their situation. These ideas were groundedin their current situation, and did not necessarily conformto dominant ideas about advocacy. In conclusion, the prospectsfor successful advocacy are assessed.     

The use of cultural repertoires of everyday nationhood and citizenship in national identity boundary-drawing: The case of Syrian refugees in Turkey

Elaborating on salient contextual factors, such as historical conditions, national history, militarised masculinity, and language, this study looks at how repertoires of everyday nationhood are deployed in relation to boundary-drawing in the context of the recent refugee influx in Turkey. Drawing on ethnographic observations, semi-structured interviews and focus groups with ordinary Turkish citizens in Adana, this paper sheds light on the complexities of everyday understandings of citizenship and nationhood with regards to the emergence of ‘insider versus outsiders’ notions. Results suggest that ordinary citizens evoke various notions of nationhood in everyday life in drawing boundaries against ‘outsiders’ (i.e., refugees) by deploying historically rooted national identity constructions (militaristic, unitary) and symbols (language, flag). This article, therefore, reveals a national identity boundary-drawing mechanism involving widespread adherence to a militarised sense of nationhood, related more to other ideas of belonging than ethnicity. It further indicates that ordinary citizens, in their narratives, link such constructions and symbols with historical and current political contexts (e.g., the conflict between Turks and Arabs during WW1, or; current military operations in Syria).     

In sickness and in health: The politics of public health and their implications during the COVID-19 pandemic

Politics is a major player in health, sickness, and death affairs. This article reviews the role of politics in public health and its impact on health outcomes, mortality ratios, and death scenarios amongst the most vulnerable populations. Furthermore, the article explains the reasons behind the absence of politics from health and public health discourses; and examines the role of politics during the mis/management of COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on Foucault's biopower, Mebmbe's necropolitics, and Butler's precarity, the article illuminates how public health policies are highly political insofar as they offer some individuals access to life but create possibilities of death for others. During COVID-19, politics enabled governors to put at risk the most vulnerable groups, the precariat, namely refugees, asylum seekers, stateless, and immigrants, the majority of whom were impoverished. The article presents COVID-19 as an example of a crisis that unmasks these politics, claiming that these politics are not new but rather a continuum of previous invisible policies that COVID-19 unmasked and intensified. The article describes how the politics of health entail privileging individuals with capital value who can benefit the state's interests and maintains its power.