The influence of the elites’ discourse in political attitudes: evidence from the Basque Country

Do parties’ position shifts matter for public opinion? In this paper, we would like to compare the discourses of the Basque elites with the Basque public opinion regarding the reinforcement of the Autonomy. So, combining content analysis methodology and survey data we aim to test if a mainstream political party (specifically, the Basque Nationalist Party [Partido Nacionalista Vasco]) cause the public view to shift on one of the most important policy issues in the Basque Country, that is, the territorial dimension. This study validates the top-down model and concludes that elite political discourses actually affect popular opinion.     

村民自治制度下少数民族乡村精英的心态与行为分析--以湖北西部土家族地区农村为例

本文以鄂西少数民族地区农村田野调查资料为基础,对村民自治制度下少数民族农村治理精英与非治理精英的心态、行为及与乡镇政府间的互动关系进行了分析,认为以乡镇政府为代表的国家力量对少数民族农村村民自治的影响和控制力还非常强,治理精英与非治理精英在村庄政治中自主活动的空间不大,村民普遍缺乏参与热情,但乡村精英的影响正与日俱增.     

Clubs as vehicles for inclusion in the urban fabric? Immigrants and elitist associational practices in Antwerp, 1795–1830

In both migration studies and sociocultural studies of associational practices, membership of voluntary associations has been considered as a vehicle for inclusion in the urban fabric. In migration studies, on the one hand, attention has been focused primarily on migrants’ own organizations, revealing questions about the role of these organizations as obstacles or incentives for social embedding in the new living environment. Associational studies, on the other hand, have emphasized social practices and social differences between clubs, without taking into account the impact upon immigration. This article brings together both historiographical traditions, and emphasizes the structural and socio-cultural elements of incorporation processes. The research investigates a group of immigrant-businessmen and their participation in club life in Antwerp between 1795 and 1830, asking whether associational life was used as a vehicle for inclusion, or whether access was only feasible when other inclusion mechanisms had been successful. By situating the timing of any entry into club membership in relation to other aspects of their personal and professional life-course, it becomes clear that access was preceded by other social mechanisms. Indeed, even for wealthy businessmen, mechanisms of exclusion existed as a consequence of existing social hierarchies amongst voluntary associations in Antwerp.     

From Cyber-Libertarianism to Neoliberalism: Internet Exceptionalism,Multi-stakeholderism,and the Institutionalisation of Internet Governance in the 1990s

Although it is often taken for granted that Internet governance should employ the principle of multi-stakeholderism and that existing governance structures are not suitable for the regulation of the Internet, this article places the emergence of such principles in the context of the 1990s. Drawing on international political sociology and neo-Gramscian scholarship, it explores how different elites were able to coalesce around basic principles of Internet governance to create the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN). These principles were the common elements of distinct discourses and were instrumental in the unification of a power elite. They also helped to create a hegemonic discourse that was acceptable to a broader public. Based on the study of policy documents produced during the debates that led to the creation of the ICANN, this article outlines five different discourses on Internet governance and focuses on the principles of multi-stakeholderism and Internet exceptionalism as basic elements of a hegemonic discourse. The study of the origins of these principles in the 1990s can shed light on their status in current debates.     

Gouverner l’environnement dans les villes européennes: des configurations d’acteurs restructurées pour la production des politiques urbaines

This article focuses on the evolution of the actors involved in environmental decision-making at the urban scale covering a period from the early eighties up to the present. Through the cases of Manchester (United Kingdom) and Saint-Étienne (France), we aim at showing that the shift in discourse from “local environment” to “sustainable development” lead to a dramatic change in the actors involved in the production of urban environmental policies. This evolution will be explained by a transformation of the sources of legitimacy of local political elites (with the rise of output-oriented legitimacy) and a transformation of the political resources they mobilised. This evolution could be analysed as a stronger investment of urban political elites in the “policies” dimension of their work.     

Poland's Contentious Elites Enter the Age of Revolution: Extending Social Movement Concepts

Scholars of social movements commonly call for the field to be broadened in various ways because movements are often intertwined with other forms of conflict and because the causes or consequences of movements may operate differently in different contexts. Important change processes that were unfolding in Poland at the time of the French Revolution provide an instructive case. Although the contemporaneous French Revolution, with its enormous quantity and variety of collective mobilizations has been a touchstone for social movement scholars, the work of Poland's reform parliament and the adoption of Poland's 1791 constitution have gotten much less attention. Poland's reform politics not only provides both instructive parallels to and differences from French revolutionary developments, but were also deeply intertwined with them and embedded with those French events in a larger, European field of contention. Perhaps one of the most intriguing aspects of the Polish reform movement is that it was largely driven by elites, something noted in Karl Marx's bemused praise. Although social movements played very much less of a role in Poland than in France, we try to show here that familiar tools of social movement analysis permit an account of those Polish events as well.     

Gender as Symbolic Capital and Violence: The Case of Corporate Elites in Turkey

Based on a Bourdieusian approach, drawing on qualitative analyses of 63 life interviews, our study demonstrates that gender is performed as both symbolic capital and violence by corporate elites within the dominant ideologies of patriarchy and family in Turkey. Our analysis reveals that, in the male‐dominated context of Turkey, female elites appear to favour male alliances as a tactical move in order to acquire and maintain status in their organizations, whereas male elites appear to remain blind to the privileges and constraints of their own gendered experience of symbolic capital and violence. Our study also illustrates that gender order is still preserved, despite beliefs to the contrary that equality in education, skills, experience and job performance may liberate women and men from gender‐based outcomes at work.     

Sustaining corporate class consciousness across the new liquid managerial elite in Britain

This article asks: how is class consciousness and cohesiveness amongst the UK business elite maintained in the twenty‐first century? Elite studies traditionally sought to account for the construction and circulation of dominant ideology through exclusive education systems, institutional board interlocks and club memberships. The problem is that business elite membership of all these institutions has been steady declining in recent decades. Contemporary corporate elites now appear more mobile and fragmented in an age of globalization. However, class cohesion amongst business leaders appears as strong as ever after decades of neoliberal policy hegemony. So, how are such ideas, norms and values circulated and maintained? This study tried to answer this question drawing on a set of 30 semi‐structured interviews with top UK CEOs and a demographic audit of current FTSE 100 CEOs. The findings suggest that three additional means of achieving business elite coherence have become more significant: professional business education, semi‐formal but regular meeting sites, and specialist business media.     

民族地区新农村建设的推动力量:乡村精英——以湖北省巴东县为个案

本文将乡村精英分为外出精英、回归精英和留守精英三类,探讨了乡村精英对民族地区新农村建设的正负面影响,并就如何利用乡村精英的优势资源来建设民族地区的新农村提出三点建议:即提升乡村吸引力和凝聚力以吸引资金和精英的回归,改善村干部待遇以提高乡村精英的参政热情,整合精英与群众的力量以共建新农村。     

The Elevation of the Elite: Historical Trends and Complicity of the Masses

A small group of citizens wields significant influence in the corporate, political, and military realms of American society. This group is known in the literature as the elite. Looking at the disparity between the elite and the masses of society in terms of education, wealth, and political power, one might surmise a conspiracy against fundamental democratic principles of equality, justice, and economic fair play. This article addresses non-conspiratorial cultural-contextual factors of history, social structure, media, psychology, education, and the marketplace contributing to the elites existence. It is concluded that non-conspiratorial factors play a primary role in their rise to global influence.