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81.
Drew B. Margolin Sasha Goodman Brian Keegan Yu-Ru Lin David Lazer 《Information, Communication & Society》2016,19(8):1029-1045
The use of socio-technical data to predict elections is a growing research area. We argue that election prediction research suffers from under-specified theoretical models that do not properly distinguish between ‘poll-like’ and ‘prediction market-like’ mechanisms understand findings. More specifically, we argue that, in systems with strong norms and reputational feedback mechanisms, individuals have market-like incentives to bias content creation toward candidates they expect will win. We provide evidence for the merits of this approach using the creation of Wikipedia pages for candidates in the 2010 US and UK national legislative elections. We find that Wikipedia editors are more likely to create Wikipedia pages for challengers who have a better chance of defeating their incumbent opponent and that the timing of these page creations coincides with periods when collective expectations for the candidate's success are relatively high. 相似文献
82.
Andrea M. Collins 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2016,18(4):559-573
Amidst global concern over the state of transnational large-scale agricultural investments, several efforts have been made to set global standards for “responsible agricultural investment.” While these efforts have received mixed reviews from the international community, very little attention has been paid to the gendered language of these principles. Through examining two separate sets of agricultural investment principles – one created by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the International Fund for Agricultural Development and the World Bank, and the other by the United Nations Committee on World Food Security – this article finds that, despite different processes and participants in the creation of these principles, they nonetheless share a language of “empowerment” targeted at women and marginalized groups. However, in contrast to early feminist discourses of empowerment, these principles instead perpetuate the notion that empowerment is to be found through efficiency, productivity and participation in land and labor markets. This article takes a critical look at this language of economic empowerment in each set of principles, and points to the dangers of equating efficiency, productivity and participation with feminist empowerment. By not acknowledging the broader gender dynamics of agricultural governance and markets, these discourses risk deepening existing inequalities rather than moving toward meaningful social change. 相似文献
83.
Dinesh Paudel 《Asian Ethnicity》2016,17(4):548-565
The ethnic issue has dominated Nepal’s political landscapes since the birth of the Republic of Nepal in 2007. For decades, Nepal witnessed a series of peasant rebellions against the state and landed aristocrats. Ethnic peasants were at the forefront, demanding autonomy, dignity, and an end to state violence. Since the 1980s, however, the ‘ethnic question’ has become a development issue and the developmental idea of indigeneity has consolidated both ethnic elites and peasants. Recently, identity politics has become a dominant ideological force, rapidly unraveling the course of radical political developments in the country. Interestingly, this political movement emerged in a particular historical conjuncture where Nepali politics has been extensively shaped by the recent Maoist revolution and a long history of international development. This paper explores various aspects of ethnic peasantry and argues that the notions of indigeneity and identity politics have reinforced elite domination by depoliticizing ethnic peasant politics in Nepal. 相似文献
84.
中国在进行廉政建设的同时,也在进行政府效能监察工作。效能监察是监察机关为维护公共利益对监察对象存在的不尽职、不正确尽职、影响其他人尽职,乃至玩忽职守渎职失职等违法、违纪行为进行的监督检查活动。由于理论支撑滞后和相对经验不足,至今没有形成公众认可的、在较大范围适用的政府效能监察体系。本文依据调查资料,分析了构建当代政府效能监察体系的实践基础,揭示了政府效能监察体系的内容结构,预测了政府效能监察的发展趋势,提出了健全和完善效能监察体系的措施。 相似文献
85.
自从1996年世界银行启动反腐败战略以来,经过多次调整,至今已形成了一个多渠道、全方位而更有针对性的反腐败战略框架。通过加强内部机制建设和管理、严格审查融资项目中的贪污贿赂、援助各个国家的反腐败活动、在国家援助战略中倡导反腐败、支持国际性反腐败合作等措施,世界银行在反腐斗争中发挥了卓越作用。总结世界银行反腐败的经验和特色,尝试提炼出可供中国借鉴的做法,具有十分重要的现实意义。 相似文献
86.
87.
王浩斌 《吉林大学社会科学学报》2006,46(1):74-82
政治经济学批判话语的缺失是当代中国马克思主义哲学“理论生产”中的一个根本性问题,它表明中国学界的“问题式”还处于传统哲学思辨的轨道上,没有真正地走向社会历史实践。无论是20世纪80年代初的人道主义大讨论,还是近来的现代性问题意识,都提出了政治经济学批判的现实要求。当前的马克思主义哲学与西方马克思主义、现代西方哲学的对话,也需要政治经济学批判为其提供一个历史与逻辑的前提。 相似文献
88.
肖贵清 《东北师大学报(哲学社会科学版)》2007,2(6):62-66
大革命时期,陈独秀政治思想呈现出曲折发展的特点.共产国际在国共两党政策上的矛盾和失误、对中国革命指导上的错误,严重地阻碍了陈独秀对于中国革命理论的探索和认识,是大革命时期陈独秀政治思想曲折发展的重要原因. 相似文献
89.
Ji Young Kang 《Social Policy & Administration》2020,54(6):952-970
Despite the critical role that paid maternity leave can assume in the economic lives of low-income families, research to date has paid insufficient attention to whether paid maternity leave reduces welfare use for low-income families. Using the Current Population Survey (CPS) March Supplement 2007–2014 with the difference-in-difference (DiD) technique, this study finds a significant policy effect of paid maternity leave on reducing the probability of using Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), TANF benefit amounts and TANF participation length. This study confirms that paid maternity leave is likely to prevent low-income families from using welfare during job interruptions stemming from the birth of a child. Given that TANF is often associated with negative political and social connotations, paid maternity leave can be used as an important social policy to improve economic security as well as offer empowerment in overall social standing for low-income mothers. The discussion focuses on the implications of the findings in a broader context of American welfare states. 相似文献
90.
Tair Karazi‐Presler 《Gender, Work and Organization》2020,27(4):615-631
This article explores a surprising and seemingly mundane organizational practice: passing notes during professional meetings. Based on 34 in‐depth interviews with women in a hyper‐masculine organization — the Israeli military — this study focuses on what I term gendered practices of public ambiguity. It demonstrates how these practices shed light on three interrelated paths to power at work: (i) practices of public intimacy between men; (ii) practices of women's degradation by men; and (iii) practices of recognition claims by women. The tension between the publicity inherent in the routine passing of notes and the ambiguity of their contents calls for a more nuanced theorization of gendered power practices, which transcends the accepted dichotomy of doing and undoing gender, reproducing or challenging the symbolic gender order. The findings show that gendered micro‐practices can become polysemic symbolic spaces in which women redirect the flow of power, if only temporarily and locally, and turn it into a multidirectional and multi‐agentic resource. The conceptual contribution of these findings is discussed in terms of the positioning of women in hyper‐masculine environments as pragmatic subjects who (re‐)construct mechanisms of power out of the restricted repertoire available to them. 相似文献