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141.
从1991年中亚国家先后独立到现在,印度的中亚政策经历了三个发展阶段。从1991年至1998年,这一阶段印度中亚政策的主要任务是通过加强与新独立的中亚国家之间的接触,为印度与中亚关系的发展打下基础。从1998年至2001年,随着国际形势与印度自身发展的需要,中亚国家成为印度加快自身经济发展和打击极端主义与恐怖主义的重要合作伙伴。2001年至今,印度加大了对中亚地区的关注与投入,致力于加强与中亚国家在政治、经济、安全与文化诸领域的合作,印度在中亚的影响也随之增强。虽然印度与中亚国家关系的发展仍受到一些制约,但印度介入中亚事务越来越明确的态势值得关注。 相似文献
142.
20世纪90年代以来,印度与越南两国政府从地缘政治和区域战略利益以及国内经济科技发展需要出发,不断推进两国多渠道的联系与交往,加强政治、军事、安全、经济、科技等各领域的合作,两国相互依赖、相互利用,发展为全面战略伙伴关系。 相似文献
143.
尼泊尔与印度的水资源争端是困扰两国关系发展的一个重要因素。印度在处理与尼泊尔关系中的家长作风和利己主义行为、尼泊尔试图平衡印度影响的心理,以及尼泊尔政局动荡等因素是导致尼印水资源合作不畅的主要原因。由于尼印双方水资源争端的历史积怨,以及出于资金或技术方面的考虑,未来的尼印水资源合作有必要引入国际合作机制。 相似文献
144.
Rituparna Bhattacharyya 《Asian Social Work and Policy Review》2016,10(3):311-325
Street violence against women (SVAW) in India is highly under researched. This article aims to understand the contextual factors responsible for the occurrence of SVAW in five cities of North‐east India: Agartala, Kohima, Imphal, Shillong, and Guwahati. The aftermath of an horrific gang rape and the subsequent death of a 23‐year‐old woman in a moving bus in New Delhi in December 2012 served as a wake‐up call for the Government of India (GOI), augmenting the need to understand the issues of SVAW. On December 23, 2012, the GOI constituted the Justice Verma Committee (JVC) who prepared a 630‐page report, submitted to the Prime Minister of India, which identified “failure of governance” as the central cause of SVAW. Based on some of the recommendations of the JVC report, the GOI passed the Criminal Law Amendment Bill, 2013. Drawing upon semi‐structured interviews from qualitative research in combination with a questionnaire survey, this research aims to understand the factors that allow SVAW to persist. Using recommendations of the JVC report and the Justice Usha Mehra Commission, the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013 , as well as research findings, this article is an attempt to inform prevention strategies aimed at escalating the safety of women in public spaces of the study region. 相似文献
145.
余芬蕾 《宁波大学学报(人文科学版)》2016,(1):28-32
印度女作家阿兰达蒂·罗伊的《微物之神》通过对人物“小历史”描述,巧妙地谴责了印度的殖民历史和漫长的种姓隔离制度对印度人民的戕害,将种姓、阶级、性别和创伤议题在后殖民语境下有机地链接在一起,从而重新书写创伤历史。通过创伤的表征与再现,展现小人物积极应对痛苦的创伤体验及其最终获得自我痊愈的历程。 相似文献
146.
《Journal of aging & social policy》2013,25(2-3):11-30
Summary India is the second largest country in the world, with 72 million elderly persons above 60 years of age as of 2001, compared to China's 127 million. One of the objectives of this paper is to assess the emerging scenario of elderly for the first half of the 21st century. According to projections, the elderly in the age group 60 and above is expected to increase from 71 million in 2001 to 179 million in 2031, and further to 301 million in 2051; in the case of those 70 years and older, they are projected to increase from 27 million in 2001 to 132 million in 2051. Among the elderly persons 80 and above, they are likely to improve their numbers from 5.4 million in 2021 to 32.0 million in 2051. The increasing number and proportion of elderly will have a direct impact on the demand for health services and pension and social security payments. Mobilizing resources for geriatric care and providing sufficient maintenance for the elderly will emerge as a major responsibility for heath-care providers and pension economists. 相似文献
147.
Ramu Rawat Jitendra Gouda Chander Shekhar 《Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment》2013,23(2):236-246
AbstractThis article is an effort to analyze the influence of education and occupation as critical determinants of smokeless tobacco use among adult males in India and its selected states. Global Adult Tobacco Survey (GATS) India 2009–10 data are used to analyze the prevalence of smokeless tobacco use among adult males aged 15 years and above (N = 33,767) by their different education and occupational status. Bivariate and multivariate (Cox proportional survival model) analyses are carried out to assess the linkages of education and occupation with use of smokeless tobacco among adult males. The study suggests that the majority of Indian men are using khaini (18%) and gutkha (13%) (the local terms used for smokeless tobacco). Further, it is observed that education and occupation remain the two important critical predictors of smokeless tobacco use among men. A greater percentage of young men with no education from rural areas use smokeless tobacco (44.3%) than their counterpart group from urban areas. The socioeconomically disadvantaged states, noticeably the east and central (4.992 and 3.218; p < .001) states, record higher prevalence of smokeless tobacco use than other states. Considering the high prevalence of smokeless tobacco use among illiterate and socioeconomically deprived youths, there is an urgent need to sensitize the issue. More concrete efforts to generate awareness on the ill effects of tobacco use among the illiterate and those who are employed in low-profile occupations are needed. 相似文献
148.
Simin Fadaee 《Social movement studies》2013,12(6):720-734
ABSTRACTPermaculture is an attempt to design and develop sustainable communities in harmony with natural ecosystems. It embraces solution-oriented approaches to contemporary social and environmental problems. Originating in Australia, permaculture was initially considered a design system but it has become a global social movement and it is practiced in different countries in various forms and at multiple scales. It is manifested in numerous networks of local practitioners, teachers, promoters, demonstration sites, organisations and magazines where various ideas and practices converge. Despite its popularization scant attention has been given to analysis of permaculture as a social movement. Moreover, the few academic writings which analyse permaculture as a social movement do not systematically engage with its manifestation and adaptation in the global South. The latter is the main contribution of this article. Based on original research this paper narrates the origins of the permaculture movement in India, and it pays close attention to its contextual adaptation by a diverse group of practitioners. It demonstrates that these diverse actors and their strategies have clear linkages to the independence movement; they are influenced by the incomplete project of Indian liberal democracy; they operate on the sphere of civil and political society; and they engage middle and lower classes in a formal and informal political nexus. 相似文献
149.
AbstractThe rise of ‘new powers’ in international politics has been frequently associated with a re-emergence of traditional notions of sovereignty as a backlash against the weakening of nation-state sovereignty related to globalization. We argue that the coexistence of these trends has led to new forms of ‘soft sovereignty’. Soft sovereignty means that rising powers both gain and lose authority: From above, their freedom from interference within the international state system is strengthened due to their new status and influence. At the same time, rising powers’ governments are losing authority due to the rise of a multiplicity of sub and transnational actors from below. We apply the concept of soft sovereignty to the analysis of foreign policy-making in India as a least-likely case of a weakening of sovereignty from within a sovereignty-oriented rising power. The analysis of India's relations with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka reveals the huge impact that subnational governments have had on India's policies towards its South Asian neighbours over the past years. The dynamics observed in the case of India reflect many of the traits of current globalization processes, from regionalization to identity politics to the multiplication of actors in the conduct of foreign politics. 相似文献
150.
本文从能源安全视角解读印度“东向”外交的动力和目标。本文运用国际政治经济学方法研究后发现,印度政府、国家能源公司等行为主体在“东向”外交区域综合运用多种手段和政策工具获取能源利益,能源安全维度已经构成“东向”外交的重要目标,而且随着印度国内能源供需赤字的扩大,能源安全维度的权重逐渐上升。从能源安全视角研究“东向”外交,可以对印度在海外实现能源安全的路径和规律有一个初步认知,即遵循政治外交与能源合作相互推进和借重的基本逻辑,以及国家在保障能源安全中扮演重要角色的经济现实主义规律。 相似文献