福柯生存美学对现代生命教育实践的启示

生命教育旨在教导未成年人珍惜、爱护生命,并帮助他们领会生命的本质、理解生命的旨趣、创造生命的价值。福柯从关 怀自身的生活命运出发,在总结他自身生活经验和西方哲学思想智慧的基础上,策划出新的自由生活蓝图。其“关怀自身”的 核心原则、“身心和谐”的主要目标、“主体自由”的终极导向为现代生命教育的推进和改造提供了新的理念指导。     

米歇·福柯对权力的分析

文章首先指出福柯的权力分析是对主权者权力的消解,这种消解是方法或提问方式转变的结果。在这种转变中权力关系的复多性得到了凸显,并将权力问题引向了权力技术。文章以福柯的文本《权力的网眼》为基础,首先,通过对照人类学、社会契约论及功利主义社会学对权力概念的分析,指出了法律权力概念与技术权力概念之间的对立;进而,通过对作为权力技术的完善形式的生命政治形式的分析,指出了自身技术概念及性的分析在权力分析中的重要性;更进一步,通过对自身技术与权力技术的对比,指出了福柯全部研究的核心在于主体问题。文章总结指出,只有关注主体问题,才能正确理解权力分析。     

The Power of Ethnic Nationalism: Foucault's Bio-power and the Development of Ethnic Nationalism in Eastern Europe

Although the ‘civic’ and ‘ethnic’ brands of nationalism are frequently contrasted, the origins of the civic/ethnic dichotomy remain under-theorised. By building upon Michel Foucault's The History of Sexuality, Volume 1, this article argues that, during the eighteenth century, the articulation of power shifted across the board from a pre-modern control over the ending of life, to a modern expression of power as control over the production of life (dubbed ‘bio-power’ by Foucault). Given the Foucauldian claim that power is built upwards from ‘its most infinitesimal mechanisms’, it is suggested that expressions of bio-power were first enacted in that social structure most amenable to biological manipulation—the family—and then expanded upwards towards the widest understanding of a kin collective—the ethnic group. As the shift to bio-power took hold, so too did visions of the political nation-state begin to take shape in Eastern Europe. A fusion of doctrines of self-determinism with the expression of power as ‘control over the production of life’, then saw the ethnic nation-state gain credence as a social and political construct in Central and Eastern Europe. This article takes Romania as a case study through which the mechanisms of this exploratory argument can be illustrated.     

Retroactive phantasies: discourse,discipline, and the production of race

The present inquiry considers how the practice and notion of race can be figured as a type of discipline that functions to achieve the subjection of the individual – to form the individual as a racial subject. Focusing on the constructions of blackness and whiteness within US racial rhetoric, and engaging the work of Michel Foucault and Judith Butler, I propose that racial identity is a retroactive phantasy that is always conditional on the subject enacting the very power that marks them: the formation and maintenance of subjectivity is premised on the individual being formed and forming themselves in relation to a normalized identity site and is, thus, always an action. Precisely due to this necessity to act, and to the incoherence of power, innovative acts of anti-discipline re-negotiate the ways in which racial subjectivity is lived and realized.     

微观权力的运作及其策略——基于福柯《规训与惩罚》的解读

福柯对权力的分析做出了独特贡献,他不仅颠覆了传统的权力思想,而且建立了一种全新的微观权力理论。他在名著《规训与惩罚》一书中所阐述的微观权力是多形态的、非实体的、关系的、生产性及与知识密不可分等特点;层级监视、规范化裁决与检查的技术,以及空间、时间与动作的规定性策略,使得微观权力无所不在。福柯的微观权力分析对认知现代社会的权力实践具有积极的方法论意义。     

福柯的身体理论对女性主义的影响及其局限

福柯身体理论的主要论点是权力关系在社会领域内通过身体进行运作,女性主义由此得出结论,从生物差异角度建构的性别不平等理论对维持社会等级关系起到重要作用。尽管身体理论影响巨大,但在一些关键方面有很大的局限性,如缺乏对身体性别特点的关注,更严重的局限性在于对权力单向度的分析,把个体降级为驯服的身体,因此无法解释妇女在当代社会的丰富体验。女性主义者通过对女性经验和历史的再发现和重估揭示了女性不再是被动牺牲品。福柯对个体作为被动身体的诠释在无意识中又将妇女推向被动的沉默地位。     

福柯教室中的微观权力理论述评

本文阐述了福柯微观权力理论的两个主题即"生物性权力"和"真理政治学"的主要观点,并从福柯的理论视角对教室中存在的多种微观权力形式进行分析,试图揭示教室这一当代教育实践的前沿阵地所渗透出的权力运作机理,并对福柯的这一理论进行了辩证的分析.     

对中国当代性法律之再探讨——与李银河先生商榷

法律对性行为的调节不仅仅是刑法中的三条规定,涉性的法律贯穿在《婚姻法》、《继承法》、《民法》等法律中,国家行为与风俗、道德等共同干涉性行为是不会被改变的,改变的只会是干涉的方式.     

试论福柯和德里达的思想差异--从《我思和疯癫的历史》谈起

福柯和德里达是20世纪后期以来西方哲学思想和文学批评领域里的两位举足轻重的人物.关于两者的思想差异理论界有多种看法,如有人认为主要表现在思想领域的不同上,有人认为主要表现在思想性质的不同上,有人认为主要表现在文本阅读方式的不同上.本文在解读那篇曾引发福柯和德里达激烈论争的论作<我思和疯癫的历史>的基础上提出福柯和德里达的思想差异主要表现在他们清理和改造传统的思想文化的思想策略的不同上.     

Post-modernism,truth and social work

Abstract

In this article, I suggest that social workers should be servants and seekers of truth and that they should do their utmost to re-legitimise the quest for truth in social life and professional practice. I hold that while post-modernism must be applauded for its incisive critique of the totalising tendency' of the quest for truth, especially when fuelled by passionate ideological conviction, yet its forthright rejection of truth itself has had disastrous social consequences and serious deleterious effects on professional practice in social work. Over the last two decades or so, the baby (truth] has been recklessly thrown out with the bath water (totalistic Ideologies) and the consequences have been sorely felt in society, in the personal lives of individuals, in the human service professions as a whole and in social work, especially of course in the writings and professional practice of those who have enthusiastically embraced post-modernism. I also suggest, however, that social work needs to take full advantage of the insights of post-modernism (and especially of Foucault) in order to avoid falling into a totalistic chasm' as the profession pursues its own quest for truth.