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171.
This paper explores the changing relations between people and place that are set in motion through mobility. Examining the mobilities of lifestyle travellers, it argues that new relations are sought by this group that undermines traditional assumptions of stability and preservation in the person–place relation. In their stead, lifestyle travellers seek dynamism, change and instability in their engagements with place. This situation suggests that the traditional recognition of the need for a rooted, static and stable set of relations with place – i.e. topophilia – can be supplemented by the love of mobility, change and transformation in the person–place relation – coined tropophilia. The paper raises the important point that a desired connection between ‘people’on one hand and ‘place’ on the other may only occur when their respective paces and trajectories positively coincide. 相似文献
172.
左宏愿 《青海民族学院学报(社会科学版)》2014,(4)
不管是国家整合过程中的政策性移民,还是现代化进程中产生的自发性移民,多数族群向少数族群聚居区的迁移对该地区的影响是十分巨大的。这一过程不仅会带来他们在生活方式和文化习俗上的冲突,而且会导致资源的再分配、产生资源竞争并可能诱发族群冲突,由此引发重大的社会问题,甚至是政治问题。因此,每一个具有移民现象的国家,政府都应该给予足够的重视,并在尊重当地文化、情感和需要的基础上,采取积极、有效的政策和措施。 相似文献
173.
西北回族由于政治、经济和文化诸因素,自民国以来移居沙特阿拉伯等国者逐步形成群体规模,成为海外华人华侨的一分子。他们有着自身显明的特征,即虽然选择移居中东与其信仰相关联,但中华文化的深远影响,铸就了回族侨民的深层观念。他们不忘故土,视中国为祖国,教育子孙习学汉语言文字。20世纪90年代以来,一些人因在居住国卓有才干,获得较高地位,乃在沙特阿拉伯与中国的交往中发挥了重要作用。 相似文献
174.
品牌形象综合测评模型及其应用 总被引:40,自引:0,他引:40
品牌形象是消费者对品牌的总体感知和看法 ,是品牌资产的关键驱动要素。进行品牌形象测评 ,有助于企业正确评价以往品牌营销努力产生的成效 ,为进一步塑造理想的品牌形象提供决策依据。品牌识别是企业试图达到的品牌的预期状态 ,是品牌形象建设的基准。从品牌识别系统出发建立品牌测评模型和指标体系 ,有利于充分揭示品牌形象的丰富内涵 ,全面、系统地反映品牌形象的具体特征 相似文献
175.
Dan Rosengren 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2013,20(2):221-240
The present situation in the Amazon is frequently characterized by political tensions between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples. As a consequence, indigenous peoples are organizing in order to defend themselves and their land against the encroachment of representatives from the national society. To the Matsigenka, who live in the monta a of southeastern Peru, this process is relatively recent, and so is the conceptualization of ensuing conflicts in ethnic terms. Although ethnic criteria for constructing social identity is still largely alien to most Matsigenka, it has, to the indigenous organizations, come to serve as the model for defining political issues mainly because it is imposed by the dominant national society, which defines the rules. At the same time, categories of beings that are defined in notions of the cosmogony remain a significant factor in the Matsigenka conceptualization of the social world. The employment of two parallel models for constructing identity, which are occasionally conflicting, produces both conceptual confusion and organizational problems for the Matsigenka ethno-political movement. 相似文献
176.
Horng-luen Wang 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2013,20(3):351-376
This article challenges the widely held "mobility thesis" by examining the current regime of mobility in regulating transnational flows of people-namely, passports and visas-from an institutionalist perspective. An institutional device linking individuals to the state, the passport is a manifestation of both citizenship and sovereignty. As such, the passport has to be situated in a broader international context in which "organized hypocrisy" (Krasner 1999) underlies the principle of sovereignty. Furthermore, through the "rite of institutions" (Bourdieu 1991), the passport provides foundations for identification, classification, and trust for individuals. The Taiwan passport provides vivid illustrations of how identification, classification, and trust have been breached by organized hypocrisy and how such a breaching has been experienced by individual citizens. However, it is also shown that some capable individuals, through the leverage of their economic power, are able to circumvent or even take tactical advantage of the current system. The political overtone of the Taiwan passport has exposed the nature of the regime of mobility that has often been depoliticized and undertheorized. Just as passports issued by different states are of different values, there has been an inequality of mobility structured by power asymmetries and economic inequalities in the world system. Such an inequality of mobility may have become enlarged under the impact of globalization but has gone mostly unnoticed. Individuals may try to increase their mobility through various economic means, but differentiated access to mobility may have further reproduced and enhanced unequal social, economic, and political relations. 相似文献
177.
Sarah England 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2013,20(1):5-53
This paper is an exploration of the relations between the politics of identity and the socio‐economic and political processes of the current era of globalization. Using ethnographic material from the transnational grassroots organizations of the Garinagu—an Afro‐Indigenous population living in transnational communities between Central America and the US—I show the multiple ways that they articulate their identity between and among the tropes of “autocthony,” “blackness,” “Hispanic,” “diaspora,” and “nation.” This construction and negotiation of identity is intimately connected to the negotiation of rights vis‐à‐vis nation‐states and international political bodies, where ideologies of race, ethnicity, nation, and citizenship carry with them different implications for rights and belonging. I argue that the complexities of this case point to the uneven processes of globalization, within which the power to define the ideological terrain of economic and political struggles is still profoundly unequal. 相似文献
178.
李虹 《西昌学院学报(社会科学版)》2013,(2):90-92,96
党的十八大报告指出:“文化是民族的血脉,是人民的精神家园”。文化作为人类社会的灵魂,是人类社会发展的内在驱动力和凝聚力。当代大学生受其成长的文化背景影响,出现了不同程度的文化认同危机,大学生文化认同的提升变得十分重要。因此如何引导大学生以自觉主动的态度去面对全球化语境,在积极的适应中理性地建构自身的文化认同,成为当前面临的一道课题。 相似文献
179.
文章试图通过一位河南籍农民工在京创业的个案分析,透析影响我国农民工城市化的三大因素——市场经济、法律制度和大众文化.并试图运用话语分析的技术,通过过程分析和事件分析的方式,对上述三大因素发挥作用的机制做初步探讨,希望能对相关领域的研究有所启发. 相似文献
180.
Diane M. Duffy 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2013,15(2):214-243
An apparent drop in women's presence in the political sphere has spawned debates in the feminist literature over the need and cultural appropriateness of women's political office-holding in East-Central Europe. The author discusses the nature of political participation in light of women's self-definition, social identity, and loci of commitments in these transforming states. Taking their own value orientations and the societal processes they experience as a baseline from which to appraise political and social change, women in East-Central Europe feel disillusioned with the transition to a market economy and the ideological framework out of which it functions. They have, after all, disproportionately borne the ill-effects of the new ideology of efficiency and productivity in the workforce and they perceive the political arena as a narrowly defined arena of partisan rancoring that does not address their needs. Pointing to Dahl's work on moral civic virtue, the author argues that the orientation and values of women in East-Central Europe – i.e. a commitment to justice and preference for localized, pragmatic (not ideological) and particularistic action – are especially conducive to developing the moral civic infrastructure so badly needed in these transitioning countries. The author discusses the merits and drawbacks of three possible scenarios for action for the women of this region: maintaining the status quo; using women's traditional and preferred forms of action to effect change 'from the bottom'; and taking frontal action at the national level against inequities and discriminatory policies. 相似文献