榆林市中学生心理健康水平与体育活动状况调查研究

通过文献资料法、问卷调查法、数理统计等对榆林市部分中学生心理健康状况所做的抽样调查显示：中学生的心理健康状况令人担忧,中学男女生情绪方面都存在严重的问题,男生在自尊自信方面的问题比较严重。进一步分析中学生心理健康水平与体育活动之间的相关结果显示,男女生心理健康水平与体育活动状况呈现出完全不同的相关特征。     

高中物理新课标下的人文价值取向

本文首先选录了《普通高中物理课程标准（实验）》中作为科学文化的中学物理所涉及的人文文化内容,然后阐发了这些内容的人文价值取向。     

庆阳市农村中小学现代远程教育资源应用现状研究

经调查发现庆阳市农村中小学现代远程教育资源应用过程中主要存在教育观念陈旧、教育信息化人才严重匮乏、可持续发展的后续资金不足等问题。通过深入分析,提出了一些具有参考价值的策略性建议。     

把武汉城市圈打造成中部地区重要战略支点

随着改革开放的不断深入,武汉市的发展战略和武汉市的战略地位定位几经变迁,在中央提出中部崛起战略以后才被中央定格为“中部地区重要的战略支点”。笔者以为武汉市必须以中部地区重要战略支点理论为指导,密切与武汉城市圈内其他城市的分工协作联系,创新发展战略,并且主动与中部地区其他省会中心城市主要通过贸易手段建立协调发展机制,才能够承担起支撑中部崛起的重要历史使命。     

Interrogating the tribal: the aporia of ‘tribalism’ in the sociological study of the Middle East

In this paper, we intend to deconstruct the term ‘tribalism’ as a colonial category, which figures as a prominent concept in social studies on Kurds as well as the Middle East at large. Blithely used, tribalism has occupied a central place, especially in the existing scholarship on Kurdistan. Some earlier anthropological works have gone so far as to regard tribalism as the ‘DNA’ of Middle Eastern people. Drawing on recent studies on Latin America, Africa and Central Asia, we argue that the use of tribalism as if it is the natural constitution of Kurdish society has caused a significant misrepresentation and oversimplification of socio‐political life in Kurdistan as well as the broader Middle East. In a way, the existing body of scholarship on this region has reproduced statist‐nationalist discourses at the expense of dominated communities (e.g., Kurds). The historical context of both colonial powers and nation‐states ‘combating tribes and tribalism’ coincided with the emergence of the discourse of racial biopolitics. Thus, the use of the term tribalism to define certain nations or ethnic groups should not be viewed as merely an application of socio‐anthropological categories. Hence, we argue that the ethical aspects and implications of the use of tribalism by both colonial powers and later by nation‐states to define certain ethnic groups must not be overlooked.     

On suicide bombings: questioning rationalist models and logics of gender

The theories of rational choice have been widely used in analysing suicide bombings. Such a use is here critically examined along three lines. First, the limits of this theoretical framework when applied to sacrificial violence are assessed and especially the internal contradictions which appear with the notion of ‘symbolic posthumous rewards’. Second, differences emerge in the use of rational choice theory when the focus is upon female suicide bombers. Indeed, deprivation theories come then to the fore, the idea of personal crisis and the impact of patriarchal social relationships. This switch in the analysis, which does not seem based on differences in the data, confirms gender studies which underline the specific difficulty to envisage female political violence. Finally, to go beyond both reductionisms, a compared analysis of suicide attacks in Chechnya, Iraq and Israel/Palestine is proposed. It aims at restituting the context of action and the narratives at work, making a clear distinction between two levels of analysis, the one of the organizations, which can largely be understood in terms of their strategic rationale, and that of the suicide bombers themselves, for whom it seems more heuristic to use the concepts of narratives and horizons of expectation.     

Black people don't exercise in my neighborhood: Perceived racial composition and leisure-time physical activity among middle class blacks and whites

Using a sample of middle class blacks and whites living in urban and suburban areas, this article focuses on how perceptions of the racial composition of neighborhoods influence leisure-time physical activity. Using an ordinal representation of an underlying continuous indication of the perceived percentage of blacks and whites within an egocentric neighborhood, the results show that black men are significantly less likely to be physically active in neighborhoods perceived as predominately white. Alternatively, they are more likely to be physically active in neighborhoods perceived as racially diverse and predominately black. Conversely, for black women, white women, and white men, physical activity increases as the perception of one's neighborhood becomes increasingly white. Black women are significantly less likely to engage in physical activity in neighborhoods perceived as predominately black and urban. Drawing upon the intersectionality framework, I discuss how perceptions of criminalization and safety lead to different levels of leisure-time physical activity for middle class black women and men relative to their white middle class counterparts.     

Inclusion,exclusion or indifference? Redefining migrant and refugee host state engagement options in Mediterranean ‘transit’ countries

What determines policies toward migrants and refugees in the transit-turned-host countries? Compared to the vast literature examining migration to Europe and North America, we know relatively little about why ‘newer’ host states pursue a liberal strategy with access to residency, employment and services on par with citizens, or what drives them to treat migrants and refugees with exclusion. This paper argues that there is a third choice: the idea of indifference-as-policy. Indifference refers to indirect action on the part of the host state, whereby a state defers to international organisations and civil society actors to provide basic services to migrants and refugees. The paper uses data collected over two years in Egypt, Morocco and Turkey to examine how this tripartite understanding of engagement maps onto empirical reality. Drawing on this analysis, the argument in this paper is two-fold. First, indifference is a strategic form of engagement utilised by host states, and that it creates a specific type of environment that allows for the de facto integration of migrants and refugees. Second, even when host states take steps toward a more liberal engagement strategy, examining policy outcomes, rather than outputs, demonstrates that indifference is still the dominant policy.     

Parents’ Beliefs about Emotions and Children’s Recognition of Parents’ Emotions

This study investigated parents’ emotion-related beliefs, experience, and expression, and children’s recognition of their parents’ emotions with 40 parent-child dyads. Parents reported beliefs about danger and guidance of children’s emotions. While viewing emotion-eliciting film clips, parents self-reported their emotional experience and masking of emotion. Children and observers rated videos of parents watching emotion-eliciting film clips. Fathers reported more masking than mothers and their emotional expressions were more difficult for both observers and children to recognize compared with mothers’ emotional expressions. For fathers, but not mothers, showing clearer expressions was related to children’s general skill at recognizing emotional expressions. Parents who believe emotions are dangerous reported greater masking of emotional expression. Contrary to hypothesis, when parents strongly believe in guiding their child’s emotion socialization, children showed less accurate recognition of their parents’ emotions.

奥巴马的中东政策初见端倪

奥巴马总统入主白宫以来,美国对外政策的第一要务是处理自身当前面临的严重金融危机问题,中东问题处于美国对外战略中相对次要的位置。根据奥巴马的外交理念,新政府将更加强调使用外交手段解决中东问题,并吸引地区和世界各国与美国开展安全合作,建立稳定的中东安全新架构。奥巴马中东政策所要应对的主要任务是：尽早解决伊拉克问题,分阶段从伊拉克撤军,卸下包袱;继续视伊朗为潜在战略威胁,但将奉行具有弹性的接触政策;启动多边外交机制来实现美国的国家安全战略目标;积极推动巴以和谈,消除中东伊斯兰世界的反美情绪;探索与哈马斯等伊斯兰组织的对话与交流渠道;积极争取中俄在中东对美国的支持,鼓励两国发挥负责任大国的作用,帮助美国减轻中东外交压力。