出生人口性别比与和谐社会建设:一个定性和定量分析

20世纪80年代中期以来,中国的出生性别比持续攀升,出生人口性别结构严重失衡。运用定性和定量相结合的研究方法,探讨出生性别比失衡的潜在因素和制度因素。分析结果表明,农村地区出生性别比的失衡与儿子预期的经济价值和文化功用相关。最后提出具有针对性的缓解出生性别比失衡的建议。     

和谐社会构建中的不和谐人口因素探析——基于广东省出生性别比偏高问题的研究

人口性别比协调是一重要的社会"稳定器"和"平衡未",而出生性别比是人口性别比的先导.广东省在构建和谐社会进程中所面临的不和谐人口要素之一便是出生性别比偏高.通过从孩次、城乡、区域以及人口流迁等方面进行剖析,广东省出生人口性别比在上述几个方面均出现了不同程度的失衡.通过"利离"发现,广东省出生人口性别比的总体偏高主要还是由于粤北和粤西等不发达地区农村户籍育龄妇女的超高出生性别比拉动所致,主要应从现念、领导、管理和法制等面标本兼治、综合治理.     

如何看待当前“消费无热点”

近年来,消费无热点成为人们对国内经济走向普遍持悲观论调的依据之一.通过对消费现状形成原因的剖折和分类,可以认为我国的消费无热点既有其客观合理性,又有一些体制因素,需要进行政策引导,以促进消费增长.     

浅谈土族民俗中的生育文化

土族民间祈求生育的风俗所包容的文化内涵 ,反映了土族人民的良好愿望和民俗心理 ,文章对此研究和探讨 ,有益于革新除旧 ,建立新的生育观念和计划生育工作的开展。     

Social Background Differences in Early Family Behavior

Social background has historically been recognized as a major factor influencing family behavior, though recent work has largely emphasized racial/ethnic influences. Here we use 1994 – 1995 and 2001 – 2002 Add Health data to examine the cohabitation, first marriage, and first birth experience of young women. In a multistate life table context, hypothetical cohorts specified in terms of race and mother’s education are followed, from age 11 to age 24, as they move through 6 family‐related statuses. The results indicate that, for both Black and White women, a higher level of maternal education is generally associated with less cohabitation, less marriage, fewer first births, and a higher percentage of women who experience none of those transitions before age 24. Racial and social background differences are conceptually and empirically distinct. Because mother’s education is associated with substantially different trajectories of early family behavior for both Blacks and Whites, we argue that social background merits increased attention in research on contemporary American family patterns.     

Social Change and Social Policy in Japan

This paper aims to present and discuss social change and social policy in Japan after the mid-20th century from a sociological viewpoint. Japanese social change and social policy from the mid-20th century onward can be categorized into three models in chronological order: escape from mass poverty by means of industrialization, improvement of the social security system to establish a welfare state, and parallel progress of aspiration for a welfare society and workfare. Defined concretely, these are (1) the period that established and improved social security, which started immediately after the end of World War II and ended in 1973, when Japan began to suffer from low growth after enjoying high growth; (2) the period in which finance for social security was adjusted, halfway through which the country experienced a bubble economy; and (3) the period after the 1990s, in which the structural reform of social security went hand-in-hand with labor policy and the advent of globalization. In each of the three periods, the direction of social policy was affected by factors that caused changes in such areas as industrial structure (the decline of agriculture), demographic structure (an aging society), and family structure and work pattern (the growing trend of nuclear families, single-person households, and irregular employment). In Japan, life security now attracts increasing attention, and employment security rather than social security has been the central issue. As it is greatly affected by globalization, employment security grows less conspicuous and makes the vulnerability of social security grow more conspicuous. Social policy has the potential to become an area with which to struggle for national integration and fissures between social groups.     

Low‐Income Mothers’ Private Safety Nets and Children’s Socioemotional Well‐Being

Using longitudinal data from the Fragile Families and Child Well‐being Study (N = 1,162) and the National Evaluation of Welfare‐to‐Work Strategies (N = 1,308), we estimate associations between material and instrumental support available to low‐income mothers and young children’s socioemotional well‐being. In multivariate OLS models, we find mothers’ available support is negatively associated with children’s behavior problems and positively associated with prosocial behavior in both data sets; associations between available support and children’s internalizing and prosocial behaviors attenuate but remain robust in residualized change models. Overall, results support the hypothesis that the availability of a private safety net is positively associated with children’s socioemotional adjustment.     

除尘器区低温省煤器烟道数值模拟

为实现除尘器区低温省煤器的节能改造,基于FLUENT6.3软件,对除尘器区低温省煤器烟道的流场进行数值模拟研究。研究结果表明:除尘器前烟道内流场严重不均,转弯处有明显的高速区与漩涡区,局部速度高达32 m/s;加装低温省煤器后,两低温省煤器内流场不均,最大速度偏差系数达79.3%,严重影响低温省煤器的换热效果,同时会磨损、冲刷低温省煤器管路,危及低温省煤器的安全;除尘器入口处出现大面积的低速区域,导致进入除尘器后流场紊乱、除尘器电耗高、除尘效率低等现象,除尘器前烟道内整流消涡可以根治除尘器工作效率的问题。     

中国省域创新创业环境评价指标体系的构建研究——对全国31个省级单位的测评

围绕创新创业环境的内涵,梳理了影响创新创业环境的六类主要因素,归纳潜在指标;对各潜在指标进行"聚类—因子—权重"综合分析,提炼影响创新创业环境的主要因子,构建出以6个一级指标和20个二级指标为核心的创新创业环境评价指标体系,并建立评价模型。以中国各省为样本,对全国31个省级单位的创新创业环境在2014年的状况进行测评排序。依据各省创新创业环境综合得分情况,得出全国31省2014年创新创业环境的地理空间分布图。分地区评价结果显示,东部地区创新创业环境具有明显优势,中部、东北和西部地区发展空间较大。从准则层指出各个地区优化创新创业环境的着力点。     

The Diffusion of Tolerance: Birth Cohort Changes in the Effects of Education and Income on Political Tolerance

Political tolerance—the willingness to extend civil liberties to traditionally stigmatized groups—is pivotal to the functioning of democracy and the well‐being of members of stigmatized groups. Although political tolerance has traditionally been more common among American elites, we argue that as tolerance has increased, it has also diffused to less educated and less affluent segments of the population. The relative stability of political attitudes over the life course and the socialization of more recent birth cohorts in contexts of increased tolerance suggest that this diffusion of tolerance occurs across birth cohorts rather than time periods. Using age‐period‐cohort models and more than three and a half decades of repeated cross‐sectional survey data, we find persistent and robust across‐cohort declines in the importance of both income and higher education in determining levels of political tolerance. Declines in the effects of socioeconomic status are evident with tolerance toward all five out‐groups in the analysis—anti‐religionists, gays and lesbians, communists, militarists, and racists—but to varying degrees. These findings fit with a model of changes in public opinion, particularly views of civil and political rights, through processes of cultural diffusion and cohort replacement.