浅论中国梦的历史渊源、近代发端和现实走向

梦是对历史的纪念,也是对将来的憧憬。中国梦是中华民族各族人民的集体记忆,是全体人民的生活实践、发展状况和社会变革的生动写照,也是中国人民期盼的新盛世。中国梦有着曲折的发展历程,上古时期,“中国梦”悄然孕育,初现根源;封建社会,“中国梦”由盛转衰,一度中断;近代社会,见证百年追梦的血与火;现代社会,中国梦逐步复兴,前景灿烂。通过探寻中国梦的发端,重温中国梦的发展历程,以期更好地把握中国梦的逻辑体系,实现国家富强,民族复兴,人民幸福。     

胡风诗歌的“国族想象”

七月诗派作为中国新诗史上重要的诗歌流派,其现实主义诗风备受关注。胡风作为七月诗派的代表人物之一,其诗歌"国族想象"的内涵充分表现了在战火与动乱年代,国家与个人历经的深重苦难,以及超越苦难、追求光明、歌颂新生的美好祈愿。     

‘What better advertisement could Australia have?’ Encyclopaedias and nation-building

In the early twentieth century, Australians committed to nation-building had to be inventive. With neither a foundation myth nor a unique defining history to resort to, other cultural products were created to succour Australia's postcolonial development. Whereas one such cultural product, the Sydney Bulletin, has been examined in Australian historiography, the role of encyclopaedias has been neglected. It is argued here that the Australian Encyclopaedia (1925–26) plumped the cheeks of the nation; and that encyclopaedias, despite their claims to objectivity, are surprisingly effective in the communication of political ideas.     

从《史记·大宛列传》看汉王朝对西北民族的治理及对中亚、南亚民族的认识

整个秦汉时期,汉匈民族关系是汉王朝民族矛盾的主要方面,为了联合月氏攻击匈奴,有了张骞出使西域,所以《史记‘大宛列传》是以张骞出使西域为主线,引出西域、中亚乃至更为遥远的西方的民族情况,使中国人第一次将民族研究的目光从汉王朝的辖境放眼到今天的中亚乃至欧洲,从而使《史记·大宛列传》具有了世界史的性质。张骞出使西域,加强了对西域的认识,于是汉王朝开始对西域部分民族进行治理、设置政区,将之纳入统一多民族国家之中。在《史记·大宛列传》中对西域各民族文化的记述则是公元前2世纪的民族志,为我们留下了宝贵的文化财富。     

Italian Immigrants and the Mexican Nation: The Cusi Family in Michoacán (1885–1938)

This article considers the trajectory of the Cusi family, a family of Italian immigrants in Mexico. After arriving in the 1880s, the family accumulated significant land, which was later expropriated under redistributive policies of the 1930s. The Cusis' class status, however, does not explain this expropriation entirely, and this article turns to the family's Italian heritage to explain it more fully. In doing so, it tracks the perception of the Cusis over a 50-year span and points to the shifting boundaries of the Mexican nation. Finally, it analyses a memoir written by a member of the Cusi family as a response to those shifting boundaries and an effort to claim a place in the nation.     

Intellectual spaces of practice and hope: power and culture in Portugal from the 1940s to the present

This paper examines configurations of power, authority and culture in Portugal in the twentieth century, and intellectual practices and spaces related to those configurations and in opposition to them. Portuguese national history and essentialized versions of Portugueseness are analysed in the work of such distinguished and influential intellectuals as António Sérgio, António José Saraiva and Eduardo Lourenço, in articulation with the role of high culture in the process of nation building throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. One particular structure of attitude and reference, constructed in the latter half of the nineteenth century, is foregrounded with reference to the History of Portugal by Oliveira Martins, in the context of the persistent contradictions and conflicts between progressive and conservative, modernizing and traditional, ‘historical’, formations and projects. In such a context, moments of oppositional, alternative and independent projects are worth looking into. Two decisive moments of social change in the second half of the twentieth century were the 1940s, and the late 1960s and early 1970s. The paper pays attention to the politics of culture of Neo-Realismo in the 1940s and its consequences for high and popular culture over the following decades, especially in the years leading to the democratic revolution of 25 April 1974. A brief analysis of the 1990s is articulated to the study of the change-producing projects in the 1940s and 1960s as part of the cultural studies practice the paper argues for.     

Basque nationalism's changing discourse on the nation

The discourse on the nation is one of the theoretical cores of all expressions of nationalism, but varies in its elaboration from one to another and even within one particular form of nationalism by virtue of the identifying aspects that can be used in each case, and of historical and spatial context. The article analyses the example of Basque nationalism, which, through time, has developed two great official discourses and a third non-official one related to space. In effect, given that neither of the official discourses is entirely political and territorial, contradictions arise among nationalists (in the case of all of its trends) and, in particular, in certain areas not presenting the more or less primordial and objective characteristics. At the same time, a second, more subjective, discourse, one that is extendable to all nationalists and reaffirms them in their national identity, has developed in order to overcome these contradictions.     

Nation,Buzu and the Formation of the Huaxia Nation

The nation can be broken down into two categories: “ancient nations” and “modern nations.” The ancient Huaxia nation went through two phases in the course of its formation: the self-existent nation and the self-aware nation. The reason the self-existent Huaxia nation¹¹ In this article, 华夏民族 (Huaxia nation) refers specifically to the predecessor of the Han Chinese before the Qin-Han period with other Chinese ethnic groups such as Qiang (羌), Rong (戎) and Di (狄) not included, as distinguished from the term 中华民族 (Chinese nation). arose in the Xia and Shang period lies in its unified yet diverse composite state structure that could encompass a variety of buzu within the framework of a dynastic state. The pre-Xia Five Emperors period saw the genesis of the Huaxia nation. During this period, different buzu states were cemented into a diverse yet unified nation-state through a confederation of chiefdoms.     

Whither pogromshchina – historiographical synthesis or deconstruction? 1

This historiographical discussion piece on the implication of Simon Petliura and the Directory in the pogroms during the ill‐fated struggle for Ukrainian independence between 1917 and 1920 focuses on four core issues. Firstly, it suggests that those committed to the current Ukrainian nation‐building agenda face a crucial paradox: for the Directory’s endeavours to qualify as a precedent in nation building, one has to talk up its ability to influence the developments in the territory under its control. Yet to get Petliura and the Directory off the hook as far as the pogroms are concerned, one has to talk down their ability to influence those same developments. Secondly, it fundamentally questions the juxtaposition of “Ukrainian” and “Jewish” approaches on which Henry Abramson’s claim to have achieved a new synthesis between these two positions hinges. Thirdly, it demonstrates just how crucial conceptual transparency is for any useful debate on the significance of antisemitism in this context. Finally, it revisits the contention that it is a priori implausible to hold Petliura and his colleagues responsible because their attitudes towards Jews were generally positive as demonstrated not least by their commitment to Jewish autonomy rights.     

Bringing nations in: Some methodological and conceptual issues in connecting feminisms with nationhood and nationalisms

The recent explosion of case studies about women's involvements in national projects reveals considerable diversity ranging from hostility and alienation, to affiliation or participation. Feminist analysis is just starting to explore the causes and effects of such diversity, however, since a single, common relationship usually was theorized between ‘gender’ and ‘nation’. This article addresses some methodological and conceptual issues concerning the systematic comparison of these diverse relationships. It is argued that comparison is required to explain ‘linkages between ideologies, religions and conflicts’ from a gendered perspective and to incorporate the wide variety of women's experiences regarding national projects.

Especially significant in this diversity is that, while national projects in ‘the West’ are rarely a site for women's liberation and most ‘western’ feminists are alienated from nationalism, globally women are more often mobilized by national projects than any other form of politics (Bystydzienski 1992). Moreover, some women's movements affiliate with national projects with positive outcomes. To understand how women's diverse involvements in national projects affect domestic and international conflicts, we need to identify factors producing this diversity in gender/nation relationships. The article reports on a ‘test’ of six hypotheses concerning three modal cases drawn from a larger project eventually concerning thirty countries.