Feminist Readings on Abu Ghraib: Introduction

This article examines feminist responses to mainstream media coverage of female terrorists in West Germany during 1977. Women in left-wing terrorist groups like the Red Army Faction (RAF) and ‘Movement 2. June’ (‘Bewegung 2. Juni’) inspired a gendered discourse reflecting a cultural unease about women participating in political violence, in which the media propagated notions that posited female terrorists as ‘unnatural’ women. This analysis demonstrates how different ‘Alltagstheorien’ (everyday or common sense theories) on female terrorists we find in West German media publications in the 1970s and 1980s served as a springboard for West German feminist activists to examine arguments about violence as legitimate means in their own political communities. This essay begins by briefly outlining key feminist positions on political violence that have made invisible the complex debates taking place in the 1970s. The second part of the essay uses images of female terrorists circulated by the West German media, such as the newsmagazine Der Spiegel (The Mirror), to contextualize the ‘Alltagstheorien’ the magazine propagated in an article covering RAF actions in 1977. The third and main part of the essay then examines the responses this and other articles elicited from contemporaneous feminist movement publications.     

美军观察组对国共两党历史命运的认知与判断

抗日战争时期美军观察组来延安,是罗斯福政府扶蒋联共政策的体现,标志着美国政府与中国共产党建立起一种"半官方"关系,但是由于受意识形态、国家利益、美苏冷战等因素的制约,美国政府还是执行了片面的扶蒋反共政策,所以美国政府眼中的中国是有偏差的,而美军观察组对中国现实的认知和判断是真实的,他们预言国民党政府将要真的陷于崩溃,中国的未来属于中国共产党。     

孙中山武装革命中的会党元素新论

会党元素在孙中山领导的资产阶级武装革命中地位举足轻重,学界对它却多有否定。其实,借助会党是自然的现实选择,并非脱离群众的军事冒险;孙中山及革命派对会党进行了改造,尽管也存在一些不足;1908年以后资产阶级革命派开始将注意力集中到了新军身上,不过会党在这一阶段仍然是革命中坚,该阶段应该视为新军+会党阶段;所谓"输入式"革命的观点,乃是对孙中山武装革命中的会党元素的漫忽。     

红二、六军团长征期间民族工作述略

红二、六军团（1936年7月改称红二方面军）长征经过西南、西北广大少数民族聚居区,所到之处,广泛开展民族工作,宣传民族团结平等,反对民族压迫和歧视,尊重少数民族的风俗习惯和宗教信仰,加强对少数民族上层人士的统战工作,帮助少数民族建立革命政权和武装,执行严格的群众纪律,切实维护少数民族的利益,得到了各族人民的理解、欢迎和支持,确保了红军长征胜利。     

太平天国时期的徽州宗族:以沙堤叶氏为例

祁门县沙堤叶氏宗族个案说明:太平天国时期,徽州宗族遭到太平军沉重打击,由此倒向清廷一边,不遗余力地捐资助饷、举办团练以抵御太平军。与徽州宗族以及各个阶层之间关系的异常紧张,是导致太平军受到极大钳制从而错失徽州战局的一个重要原因。     

船山人格精神对湘军将领的影响

晚清时期湘军集团的将领们大多十分推崇王船山的学行,船山人格精神里几个突出的特质,如以坚贞之遗臣所体现的民族气节、集豪杰与圣贤一体的醇儒气象和经世致用的实学所体现的济世情怀,对湘军将领们产生了重要的影响。船山人格成为湘军的精神动力,成就了湘军将领们"内圣外王"的儒家理想人格。     

论国民党北伐军事战略

从1917年到1928年,国民党相继发动了六次北伐战争。孙中山领导的前三次北伐因条件欠缺而未能成功,但他的作战经验和奋斗精神为后来的北伐奠定了坚实基础。蒋介石领导的后三次北伐因条件成熟,指挥得当,逐步取得了胜利,作为北伐军总司令他是称职的。经过十几年的北伐军事实践,国民党人在军事战略方面创造了诸多成功的经验,包括注重组织力量,实行正确的作战方针,选定正确的作战方向等。     

Live Your Life Out Loud

Susan Love, MD, MBA, has dedicated her professional life to the eradication of breast cancer. Author of the bestselling Dr. Susan Love's Breast Book, Dr. Susan Love's Menopause and Hormone Book, and Live a Little, Susan is Chief Visionary Officer of the Dr. Susan Love Research Foundation where she oversees an active research program centered on breast cancer cause and prevention. Susan co-founded the National Breast Cancer Coalition in the early 1990s, and she served on President Clinton's National Cancer Advisory Board from 1998–2004. Her recent projects include recruiting 377,000 women for the Love Army of Women, an Internet program that partners women and scientists to accelerate breast cancer research; and the online Health of Women Study designed to identify the cause of breast cancer. A recipient of six honorary doctorate degrees, Susan is Clinical Professor of Surgery at the David Geffen School of Medicine at the University of California, Los Angeles. In June of 2012, Susan was diagnosed with acute myelogenous leukemia and was treated with an allogenic stem cell transplant.     

Change in Covert Social Movement Networks: The ‘Inner Circle’ of the Provisional Irish Republican Army

In this paper, we contribute to both the growing body of literature on social movement networks and the growing body of literature on change in networks by exploring patterns and mechanisms of change within the network of the ‘inner circle’ of the Provisional Irish Republican Army. Specifically, we focus upon the period between 1969 (when it formed) and 1988 (the last point for which we have been able to gather good data). Our primary aims are substantive. We want to know how this network changed over time. In addition, however, our analysis identifies changes which other analysts might look for in their networks and offers methodological suggestions for those who, like us, find that their networks do not meet the assumptions of mainstream approaches to modelling network dynamics. There is a further dimension to the paper, however. We are studying a covert social movement network. This is a special type of movement network whose organisation and dynamics are predicted to vary from other movement networks. Some have suggested that they are inclined to be relatively static because the need for trust within them is so great and the risk to whatever they hold secret so considerable when new ties are formed that their members tend only to recruit within the pool of their pre-existing ties and actively seek to minimise recruitment and the formation of new ties. One of the aims of our paper was to determine whether and to what extent this is so.     

论清末的裁驿

清末裁驿问题是我国交通事业近代化的重要内容,对此,当时舆论争论纷纭,而直接关涉此中的主要是邮传部和陆军部,两大职能部门表面上的裁、存之争的背后,掩藏着的是利益驱动。在今天看来,清末裁驿的主要驱动力量来自于交通自身的发展需要,而相关部门的利益平衡则是制约裁驿进程的关键因素,我们从邮传部与陆军部的折冲中即可洞悉端倪。