第十届中国戏剧节新创剧目简论

第十届中国戏剧节上展演的新创剧目在题材上有向政治剧和底层生活剧集中的趋势。政治剧都以历史剧的形式出现,多表现凶险的政治强力和善良人性及人类基本正面价值之间的悲剧性冲突;底层生活剧则都在当前的时空中表现社会、经济、精神资源严重匮乏的下层人民的生活实况。剧作家对这两大题材的开掘和表现在思想上超越了以往的深度,在艺术上具有更强烈的情感冲击力。它们标志了新世纪以来戏剧创作基本的取材方向和艺术水平。     

高效的可证安全的部分盲签名(英文)

部分盲签名通过在最终的签名数据中包含签名者和用户协商一致的公用信息(签名发布日期,电子货币的金额)来扩展了盲签名的概念。该文在随机预言机模型下提出了一个高效的可证安全的部分盲签名方案,该方案利用一个公开可行的算法提前计算出将要在随后的部分盲签名协议中用到的公钥和私钥,因此该方案Okamoto-Schnorr盲签名方案具有相同的安全性,并且不会造成额外的系统开销。     

小股东表决权信托实现机制研究

小股东和大股东在公司地位及控制公司程度上的差异,导致小股东权益在公司治理中极易受到损害,小股东对行使表决权方式的需求上也与大股东有所差异,股东表决权的行使方式设计应对他们的利益做出平衡,小股东若想得到有效保护,只有联合起来,集合足够的表决权,从而达到与大股东抗衡的目的,表决权信托便是一种有效方式。针对表决权含义与法律特征、表决权信托法律关系,同时从小股东权益的视角研究表决权信托于小股东表决权行使的意义     

浅谈马克思主义哲学教学的指导思想

马克思主义哲学教学要以哲学性、阶级性、开放性、时代性为指导思想。坚持哲学性,就是要把马克思主义哲学真正当作哲学来教,要以对学生进行世界观和方法论教育为根本目的,要引导学生追求智慧,增长智慧。坚持阶级性,就是要承认马克思主义哲学是无产阶级的世界观和方法论,捍卫马克思主义哲学在当代中国的国家哲学、官方哲学地位。坚持开放性,就是要把新的认识成果引入课堂,并吸收其他哲学流派思想观点中合理的因素。坚持时代性,就是要紧密联系时代特点,解决时代课题,并在教学中把握理论前沿,把能够代表时代水平的研究成果运用于教学。     

The Welfare Consequences of Strategic Voting in Two Commonly Used Parliamentary Agendas

This paper studies the welfare consequences of strategic voting in two commonly used parliamentary agendas by comparing the average utilities obtained in simulated voting under two behavioural assumptions: expected utility maximising behaviour and sincere behaviour. The average utility obtained in simulations is higher with expected utility maximising behaviour than with sincere voting behaviour under a broad range of assumptions. Strategic voting increases welfare particularly if the distribution of preference intensities correlates with voter types.      

Tamworth, Australia's ‘country music capital’: place marketing, rurality, and resident reactions

Since the 1970s, Tamworth has become well known as Australia's ‘country music capital’. Its annual Country and Western Music Festival has become the leading event of its type in Australia, attracting over 60,000 visitors every year. The festival, and country music more generally, have become central to the town's identity and tourism marketing strategies. This article discusses the social constructions that have surrounded Tamworth's transition to ‘country music capital’—of the ‘rural’, and of ‘country’—within the context of debates about the politics of place marketing. Textual analysis of promotional material and built landscapes reveals representations of rurality (or ‘senses of the rural’). In their most commercial form, representations of rurality converge on a dominant notion of ‘country’, quite different from the ‘countryside’ and ‘rural idyll’ in England. This dominant, or normative ‘country’ forms the basis of imagery for the festival, the Town's marketing strategy, and associated advertising campaigns by major sponsors. It is predominantly masculine, white, working class and nationalist. But links between musical style and discourses of place are complex. Colonial British histories, Celtic musical traditions and North American popular culture all inform ‘country’ in Tamworth, dissipating nationalist interpretations. Normative constructions also contrast with other, heterogeneous ruralities in Australia, that include the lived experiences of rural Australians, and on stage—in country music—where multiple ‘ruralised’ identities are performed. Even those who stand to benefit from place promotion have been uncertain about country music and ‘the country’, because of associated discourses of Tamworth as ‘hick’ and ‘redneck’. In the final section of the paper, reactions of residents to constructions of Tamworth as country music capital are discussed, via the results of a simple resident survey. In contrast to previous studies of the disempowering politics of place marketing, Tamworth residents were on the whole supportive of the new associations and images for the town, despite ‘hick’ connotations, as it has become a centre for ‘country’, and for country music. Reasons for this are explored, and resistances discussed. The result is a complex and entangled politics of national identity, gender, race and class, where meanings for place are variously interpreted and negotiated.     

Bribes,power, and managerial control in corporate voting games

Proxy fights have received comparatively little attention relative to the more popular methods for corporate control transfer: merger and tender offers. This paper presents an analytic model of the proxy contest as a cooperative game with four players: management, passive shareholders, insurgent shareholders and a trust fund. The power of the players and the effectiveness of certain managerial actions is discussed.     

Exit polling in a cold climate: the BBC–ITV experience in Britain in 2005

Summary.  Conducting an exit poll to forecast the outcome of a national election in terms of both votes and seats is particularly difficult in Britain. No official information is available on how individual polling stations voted in the past, use of single-member plurality means that there is no consistent relationship between votes and seats, electors can choose to vote by post and most of those who vote in person do so late in the day. In addition, around one in every six intended exit poll respondents refuses to participate. Methods that were developed to overcome these problems, and their use in the successful 2005 British Broadcasting Corporation–Independent Television exit poll, are described and evaluated. The methodology included a panel design to allow the estimation of electoral change at local level, coherent multiple-regression modelling of multiparty electoral change to capture systematic patterns of variation, probabilistic prediction of constituency winners to account for uncertainty in projected constituency level shares, collection of information about the voting intentions of postal voters before polling day and access to interviewer guesses on the voting behaviour of refusals. The coverage and accuracy of the exit poll data are critically examined, the effect of key aspects of the statistical modelling of the data is assessed and some general lessons are drawn for the design and analysis of electoral exit polls.     

Rethinking Samir Amin’s legacy and the case for a political organization of the global justice movement

ABSTRACT

A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons from the limitations of the recent network structure of new social movements, notably the World Social Forum, and rectify the failures of the old internationals of left-wing cadres. The actualization of such a radical idea also needs to observe the realpolitik of class formation and class struggle under conditions of the imperialistic globalization of capitalism today. Envisioned as a plural and participatory learning organization, the new International’s progression should be evolutionary and its strategic engagements have to balance the imperatives of political realism with the ideals of democratic values.     

Designed for Patience: The Significance of Internal Factors in the Ukrainian and Belarusian Transitions

This paper focuses on Belarus in order to find explanation as to why Alexander Lukashenko was able remain the authoritarian leader of Belarus, while in Ukraine the position of the political elite had proved less stable and collapsed in 2004. We seek to determine whether the internal factors (macroeconomic conditions, standard of living, the oppressive nature of the political system) play a significant role in the operation of the domino effect. This article emphasises the determining role of immanent internal factors, thus the political stability in Belarus can be explained by the role of the suppressing political regime, the hindrance of democratic rights and the relatively good living conditions that followed the transformational recession. Whilst in Ukraine, the markedly different circumstances brought forth the success of the Orange Revolution.