中国经济思想史研究的意义:以美国《1933年农业调整法》为例

中国古代经济思想曾经在我国经济史上发挥过巨大作用 ,有着深远的影响 ,并对西方产生过一定的影响。作者通过一个当代的具体实例——对美国新政农业政策借鉴中国古代常平仓思想 ,建立常平仓制度 ,解决农业生产过剩问题并取得较大成果的回顾 ,试图揭示 ,今天研究中国经济思想史仍然具有很强的现实意义     

现代性理论的革新：多层现代性理论概要

“现代性=西方性”,“现代化=西方化”,这样的等式在近两百多年的“现代化”争论中占主导地位。但在今天,“西方现代性”正在失去其普遍性的地位。“多元现代性”理论问世后开始强调现代性的多种形式。但是“多元现代性”理论有其弱点和局限性：弱点是现代性观不明确,局限性是认为现代性发源于西欧。本文提出了新的现代性理论,这一理论将解决“多元现代性”理论的缺陷,并将这一新理论称为“现代性的历史多层构成论”,简称“多层现代性论”。     

为马克思辩解——就“活劳动商品”问题与王建民教授商榷

马克思关于劳动不是商品的论证是其经济学严密体系的基石之一 ,这一论证具有科学性。王建民在《论活劳动商品》一文中试图动摇马克思的这一观点 ,不仅不能推动理论的发展 ,而且使自己退回到李嘉图学派的矛盾中去。     

《呼啸山庄》与弗洛伊德的本能论

依据弗洛伊德的性心理发展理论--性本能,和死亡本能分析《呼啸山庄》主要人物凯瑟琳和埃德加、凯瑟琳和希刺克厉夫之间施虐与受虐的性变态关系以及他们各自的死亡动机,可以清楚地揭示人物的主要性格.     

The Voices of Things

ABSTRACT

We find ourselves summoned forth by the earth, the light, water, and fire; we find ourselves directed by the things about us. Things lure us, provoke us, direct us, charm, or hex us. Animism and fetishism designate two different ways we have understood these experiences. Although a specific form of animism has come to dominate in our art and epistemology, fetishist ontology remains and returns.     

知识产权保护对我国出口商品结构的影响研究

出口国知识产权保护制度的变迁通过改变本国自主创新能力、外资企业的技术转移质量等方面影响本国出口贸易结构。通过构建出口商品结构指数与区际知识产权保护水平指数,运用我国2000~2010年的省际面板数据,结合GLS、GMM等计量估计方法,分别采用我国全部以及区分东、中、西部省份的数据进行实证研究,结果发现,总体而言,我国知识产权保护促进了我国出口贸易商品结构的优化,但由于经济基础及发展阶段的不同,这种影响效应在区域之间存在差异,对于东部省份,其表现出显著且稳定的作用。     

新媒体的崛起与大众文化新症候

随着新媒体技术的迅速崛起与全球性蔓延态势,新媒介为大众又开拓了一块极具诱惑力的空间,创造出许多信息传播、娱乐和社会交往的新形式,催生了许多新的大众文化形态,为大众文化注入了新内涵,形成一种大众文化新症候。这种大众文化症候主要表现为虚拟交往、文化拜物教、负价值迷狂与政治参与。新媒体一方面促成了大众文化的人性化回归,另一方面又促成大众文化成为了商品;新媒体既导致了一种社会负价值迷狂症、一种人性的异化,又将社会带入一个弱议程设置的新传播时代,带来一种政治民主狂欢。     

Nuclear fetishism,the fear of the ‘Islamic’ bomb and national identity in Iran

The paper's focus is the concurrence in the Islamic Republic of Iran between the state's enrichment of uranium, internationally feared as a potential Islamic atomic bomb, and the identification of the radio-active material by many Iranians as a national cultural object. In contrast to the Islamic virtues imposed by the state that had created an autarkic image of Iranians in the global context, nuclear technology offered them the opportunity to become cosmopolitan consumers of nuclear energy, a global product that also represented the ‘excellence’ of Iranian scientists’ and engineers’ competence. Instrumental in this re-invention of national identity outside the political space was a reified (fetishised) conception of the nuclear object as a utility – nuclear energy. The enhanced utilitarian use of nuclear material mystified (metamorphosed) both the oppressive relation of Iranian people with their Muslim rulers and their incongruous relation with the rest of the world. The mystifying impact of nuclear production on their national and international relations served Iranians to draw on their role as internationally recognised bourgeois agents (burghers) by subsuming (neutralising) their brutalised relation with the Muslim rulers within the instrumental relation of producers/consumers of the nuclear product. Thus, in their exclusive demand for the right to emulate the non-Iranian producers/consumers of nuclear energy as a global product, Iranians acted in their capacity as burghers. A burgher is defined here, following Hegel, as the agent of civil society whose primary concern is to pursue his/her own interest by using the needs of others as the means to satisfy his/her own. The rationality that governs the action by burghers is ‘the suitability of means to their ends’. By adopting the rationality of a burgher, Iranians abandoned their quest for citizenship. The rights of citizen, in contrast with the cosmopolitan right of burgher to emulate producers/consumers, were geared to the exercise of individual autonomy within the political space, as a domain of contested representations. The paper examines the inadequate mediation of modern institutions that has historically postponed the nationalisation of Iranian society and has delayed the emergence of the Iranian nation as a political community. Looked at from this standpoint, nuclear production offered to Iranians the opportunity to avoid a hazardous route of taking part in a political construction of Iranian identity by acting as citizens and instead draw on their fragmented bourgeois identity to define the nuclear product as ‘national’. This identification matched their Muslim rulers’ interest to represent the enriched uranium internationally as a national, as opposed to Islamic, achievement without having to face the Iranian nation as a political community. The consequence was the Iranians’ failure to deal with nuclear technology and the question of public safety both as a national and international issue which could only be addressed if Iranians had acted in their capacity as citizens.     

市民社会观念的当代演变及其意义

近代的市民社会观念,主要是指因商品交换关系而将人们联结起来的私人自律的经渗交往领域。20世纪,市民社会的观念发生了重大转变,主要是指自主的社会文化领域,即自治的民间社团及其活动所构成的公共领域。这两种市民社会观念都将克服市场社会中私人利益与公共利益之间的矛盾作为其理论的核心问题。不同的是,近代市民社会观念力求通过对市民社会的超越克服市场社会的内在矛盾,而当代市民社会观念则致力于在市民社会中寻求克服市场社会内在矛盾的根据和力量。市民社会观念的这一变化是对市民社会发展历史的反映,必须考察这整个演变过程,综括其丰富的内涵,才能达到对现实市民社会及其发展的全面把握。     

From altruism to sociality: A switch in perception

The article critically reviews concepts and uses of the term altruism in relation to the emergence of the capitalist welfare state. It argues that altruism may be regarded as a fetishized representation of ‘sociality’ and that notions of altruism tend to obscure or distort understandings of the essential social interdependence that characterises humanity as a species. The article reaches back to anthropological evidence, to religious and philosophical influences, and to insights from scientific inquiry and it makes a case for a humanistic switch in perspective within the study of social policy.