试论原民主德国女性就业模式及其影响

在政府实行的,以鼓励和支持工作适龄妇女进入劳动力市场为主要内容的妇女政策影响下,原民主德国形成了以高就业率为特征的女性就业模式。这种模式满足了国家在社会经济建设过程中时劳动力资源的需求,改善了妇女在私人和公共生活领域里的地位。当然,民主德国的女性在劳动力市场上仍然面临各种“重男轻女”的不平等现象,如职业分布、晋升、分配等领域里的不平等。     

首次国共两党联合战线与北伐战争

阐述了北伐战争前,国共两党一致力陈北伐的史实以及北伐战争中将士血染疆场的英勇壮举,有力地阐明了没有国共两党的精诚合作就没有北伐战争的最后胜利。     

“劳资两利”中的国家利益——论毛泽东新民主主义劳资关系思想的精神实质

毛泽东新民主主义劳资关系思想的精神实质,是在实施"劳资两利"方针中逐渐突出了国家利益的重要性,并以国家利益引导、平衡和评判劳资双方的利益。其形成有哲学方法论层面原因、政治理论层面原因和党内实践层面原因。同时,毛泽东做到在解决劳资纠纷中保障国家利益,在教育党内外各方人士中维护国家利益,在执行新中国经济建设方针中体现国家利益。     

论民初政党政治的畸形化

民初商品经济还不发达 ,社会结构分化和分工程度很低 ,没有产生独立的利益集团 ,使政党缺少必备的持久组织和社会基础 ,变成了寡头政党 ;为了仿效西方的民主政治而拼凑政党 ,政党党纲不鲜明、党徒为争权利而入党的现象就在所难免 ,同时参政意识极差的国人不懂得规范认同 ,也使政党缺乏宽容敌党之精神 ,政党竞争全凭意气。畸形化的政党政治严重影响了国家的稳定与发展。     

民盟的两次分裂及其政治取向的演变

长期以来学界在分析第三次国内战争时期中共领导的多党合作制形成原因时,往往只看到了国民党的迫害使得民盟被迫放弃中间路线,而忽视了民盟内部的斗争和两次分裂使得其政治立场不断地左倾。本文试图通过对民盟内部斗争和分裂的分析,揭示民盟在政治立场上向中共靠拢,并最终接受了中共领导的主观方面因素,并认为民盟在多党合作制度中的地位和作用是与它自己的功绩和影响相对应的。     

冷战后西欧社会党的困境和革新

自 90年代中期以来 ,西欧社会党“神奇回归”,从长期的衰落走向复兴。其根本原因在于各国社会党针对面临的政治、经济和社会等方面的困境对民主社会主义的传统理论和政策进行反映时代特点的大胆革新     

The Underside of Social Movements: The Effects of Destructive Affective Ties

Recent scholarship analyzes the role of emotions in social movements, focusing on the ways emotions contribute to the building and maintenance of movements and highlighting the function of positive affective bonds among members. This article analyzes the pejorative aspects of group life, the creation of negative affective bonds, and the production of emotions that are destructive to individuals and to group life. Using a case study of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), the leading New Left organization of the 1960s, I analyze the factors that contributed to the deterioration of positive affective bonds among members and their replacement with negative group dynamics, which had a deleterious effect on individual activists as well as on the life course of the movement in terms of alienation, disaffection, and demobilization.     

Did the Puerto Rico Project Have Consequences? A Personal View

Those of us who participated as fieldworkers in the Puerto Rico Project gathered regularly at the University of Puerto Rico (Río Piedras) during the eighteen months we were in the field to compare notes, discuss our work together, and advance our research cooperatively. During that time a distinct difference between our integration in the communities where we were working and in the university community where we gathered became apparent to some of us. It was a coefficient of the class and other differences that separated the university faculty from the working men and women among whom some of us lived in the field, and it was reflected in political differences, among others. A substantial fraction of the university faculty was strongly committed to political independence, whereas a large majority of rural dwellers supported the Popular Democratic Party, then in power. It was not surprising that these differences were linked to others, such that some of us felt we were more fully accepted by the laboring classes among whom we lived than by the intellectuals whom we knew at the university. I try here to show how our fieldwork made visible (and troublesome) these sharp political divisions.     

高校中共党委与民主党派合作工作机制：从“和”到“合”

如何构建中共党委与民主党派合作工作机制,是高校一直探索和实践的重要命题。胡锦涛同志提出的“同心”思想深刻揭示了多党合作的本质内核,明确提出了多党合作的目标方向。应增强以“同心”思想为指引的文化认同,通过制度安排、文化载体、工作方式等“三个切入”来推进高校中共党委与民主党派合作工作机制从“和”到“合”的实现。     

抗战时期中国科学化进路

中国科学化在抗日救亡的背景下经历了独特的历史进路。在中国科学化运动中,科学实现了由观念向实践的转向;在新启蒙运动中,科学化和大众化获得彰显;在新民主主义文化的推行中,科学化、大众化与民族化相结合,科学建设被提升到文化建设的地位,中国科学化进程逐步走向深入。