现代性理论的革新：多层现代性理论概要

“现代性=西方性”,“现代化=西方化”,这样的等式在近两百多年的“现代化”争论中占主导地位。但在今天,“西方现代性”正在失去其普遍性的地位。“多元现代性”理论问世后开始强调现代性的多种形式。但是“多元现代性”理论有其弱点和局限性：弱点是现代性观不明确,局限性是认为现代性发源于西欧。本文提出了新的现代性理论,这一理论将解决“多元现代性”理论的缺陷,并将这一新理论称为“现代性的历史多层构成论”,简称“多层现代性论”。     

欧洲一体化中的“超国家治理”如何可能——以国家民族主义为视角

国家民族主义是以国家为载体,代表或体现、维护国家利益为至高原则的政治思想和政治实践。国家民族主义与民主、自由相连,以实利为基础,以国家为载体,具有外倾性和排外性,体现并维护族群利益与扩大利益而表现出扩张与侵略的矛盾特征。欧洲各国强烈的国家民族主义情绪及其实践正是引发第二次世界大战的重要原因之一。二战后对欧洲彻底衰落的反思,导致了欧洲区域政治上对国家民族主义的超越,即超国家治理。首先,超国家治理是建立在具有普世性的自由和民主之上的,以生命个体之自存与延续得到普遍尊重为基本内涵,族群的血缘、地域、文化同质性认同理念被扬弃;其次民族国家的固守族群个体实利模式被打破,创建起具有普适性的利益协调机构来实现生命个体的实利追求。欧洲一体化的政治实践说明,人类社会在政治上超越民族国家之藩篱是可能的,可以通过制度创新和机构设置来实现。     

从欧盟的发展看其联邦制方向

欧洲“煤钢共同体”的成立使统一欧洲的梦想正式付诸实践。关于欧洲走向联合的路径,大体上有两种观点：联邦主义和邦联主义。自上世纪50年代开始的“欧洲一体化”发展进程,虽不断对传统宪法学理论中宪法、国家、主权等概念及传统制宪权理论提出新的挑战,但时至今日,欧盟联邦主义的发展特色已渐趋清晰。     

伯恩施坦主义评析

伯恩施坦主义是反对社会主义革命,鼓吹阶级合作,主张渐进式改良,反对无产阶级专政的改良主义。伯恩施坦提出了＂最终目的是微不足道的,运动就是一切＂的修正主义公式,资本主义适应论,＂和平长入社会主义论＂,＂没有民主就没有社会主义＂,普选权可以＂成为使人民的代表从人民的主人转变成人民的真正仆人的工具＂等颇有影响的论断,对马克思主义进行了全面地、堪称有体系的修正,因而认真研究、解读伯恩施坦主义,并对此加以评析是当前我们准确把握当代马克思主义发展的时代特征以及对我国主流意识形态构成潜在危险的重要思潮——民主社会主义思潮的的重要途径。     

康拉德·阿登纳欧洲联合的理念与实践

二战后,康拉德·阿登纳审时度势,大力提倡欧洲联合,促进了欧洲统一的理念向现实的转变。他高度重视德法关系,把法德两国之间的谅解与合作作为欧洲一体化的核心与基石,启动了早期欧洲的一体化,为其在以后的不断深化和扩大奠定了坚实的基础。     

1951年欧洲防务集团方案的缘起与意义

欧洲防务集团方案是两极对峙格局业已形成之时,西方军事安全需要与对德政治情势的妥协产物。它综合了美国全球战略、美欧关系、欧洲国家间尤其是法德间利益等诸多因素,体现了从普利文计划的出笼到斯波福德计划的妥协,直至彼得斯堡与巴黎的争执的发展过程。它不仅能通过欧洲框架融合法德关系,消弭西德与北约欧洲成员的矛盾,从而为最终以北约方式武装西德创造条件;而且,对促进西德平等地获取主权、进而入盟西方意义深远。     

中国学术界的晚期希腊哲学研究

近年来中国学者在晚期希腊哲学研究领域中取得重要进展。本文以欧美学界的研究近况为参照,探讨中外晚期希腊哲学研究之差别与差距。作者认为：在晚期希腊哲学的边界问题上,中国学者经过长期探索,形成了自己有别于欧美学者的独立见解,提出了自己的解决方案;在对晚期希腊哲学特征的把握上,中国学者的判断优于欧美学者的判断;在晚期希腊哲学的史料工作上,中国学者有明显的不足;在晚期希腊哲学的研究方法上,中外学者已经明显地趋同。     

Between labour market and retirement pension — flexible transition as a new paradigm for ageing societies?

Increasing the pensionable age due to rising life expectancy meets strong political resistance. For health and labour market reasons it will always be impossible for some to achieve full pension eligibility directly from employment. Even if early retirement options are not restricted the scope for an accumulation of earnings to fund an early pension is often narrowly defined. Consequently, it is impossible for early retirees to compensate for the reductions in the pension they receive. Contrary to the general tendency to increase the pensionable age an alternative reform proposal is currently under discussion in German social policy circles. This involves free choice of retirement at age 60; unlimited accumulation of additional pension entitlements whilst earning; actuarial deductions for early retirement; and consideration of life expectancy in making adjustments to pension awards. This solution relieves the public pension system financially, raises the attractiveness of senior citizens on the labour market, offers the opportunity for a self‐determined transition from work to retirement and reduces political resistance to pension reform. The effect on the labour market for senior citizens remains to be examined.     

略论欧美法治传统及其历史变迁

欧美国家人治与法治斗争的历史,法治的确立和发展的历史,反复证明法治是一种能够平衡国家治理的需要与公民权利保障的最佳途径.欧美政治文化中深厚的法治观念和理想一直在随着时代的变迁而发展,法治由最初单纯的治国工具演变成了包含丰富人权内涵的政治理念、制度模式和社会实践,并涌现出了各种不同的具体法治形态,为世界政治文明的发展做出了重要贡献.探讨欧美法治传统的变迁,对中国践行法治,发展社会主义政治文明无疑有着良好的借鉴意义.     

Models of supranational policymaking and the reform of the EMU

Under what conditions do sovereign governments agree to create a common policy institution? And what model of supranational policymaking may be preferable? To answer these questions, we introduce a policy game of two interdependent countries with reciprocal negative externalities created by shocks to a socially relevant variable. Depending on national preferences over policy options and their outcomes, both countries incur welfare losses if governments pursue non-cooperative policy choices. Then we examine what kind of supranational policy regimes may be endorsed by both governments according to the Pareto criterion. Two regimes are “technocratic” (they do not take national preferences into account), two are “political” (they do). One political regime that we call “union” aggregates the national preferences additively. The thrust of our analysis is that the technocratic regimes are dominated by non-cooperation, so that the single alternative is between the union and non-cooperation. Yet an important point is that the union is the Pareto-dominant regime only within a limited range of asymmetry between countries’ preferences. This result has notable implications for the debate on the reform of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) facing the challenge of further integration of member countries. Application to the EMU case is assisted by numerical simulations based on empirical parameters drawn from qualified external sources, which show that aymmetries in national attitudes towards policies that “Europe wants” may jeopardize the creation of a union in alternative to non-cooperation.