什叶派集体认同与黎巴嫩民族国家构建

19世纪中叶以来,现代黎巴嫩民族国家逐渐形成。黎马龙派、逊尼派和德鲁兹派接受了以黎巴嫩为“永恒祖国”的原则,并将之作为构建黎巴嫩民族国家的基础。但黎什叶派传统的以封建家族首领为核心的教派认同,在经历了阿拉伯民族主义的挑战后,转变为以什叶派政治组织和民兵武装为基础的新什叶派教派认同。这种集体认同所具有的亲伊朗和叙利亚的属性,对构建黎巴嫩民族国家形成挑战。     

Parental Protest,Public Opinion,and War Termination: Israel's ‘Four Mothers’ Movement

Peace movements that challenge national security policies typically remain politically marginal. However, the unusual cases that evince causal linkages among grass-roots activism, public opinion shifts, and a government's decision to change policy suggest hypotheses about the sorts of organizational characteristics and political conditions that can increase movements' prospects for influence. This article considers the case of Israel's Four Mothers – Leaving Lebanon in Peace that in the late 1990s successfully sought to end Israel's war in southern Lebanon. The article adopts a political-mediation model of peace movement outcomes that draws on Giugni's (2004) model of movements' policy impact. It finds support for the idea that when grass-roots activists and their elite supporters among politicians and the media act jointly, they can exert influence on policy outcomes. Anti-war movements led by soldiers' family members may have particularly abilities to shift public opinion against the war so as to create political incentives for office-seekers to end it.     

Women and training: an empirical investigation in the Arab Middle East

Few studies have explored the professional training experiences of Arab women within the contexts of learning organisational cultures and relevant human resource development (HRD) practices. Capitalising on in-depth, face-to-face interviews, this study explores the experiences of women managers in Lebanon with professional training and organisational learning. The findings demonstrate the paucity of professional training and learning opportunities for women and illustrate how organisational discrimination and gender-biased cultures and tension influence women’s learning. To overcome these barriers and alleviate organisational tension, the Lebanese women managers capitalise on their agency and individual capacities to improve their training experiences and increase their access to learning opportunities. By virtue of individual agency and through their agentic process, the careerists shape their training and overall learning by being adaptive and developing structures of action that enable them to advance their learning. The results have important implications for HR managers and HRD scholars. They also extend our understanding of the importance, or lack thereof, of the learning culture within an organisation.     

“旅美派”及其形成原因多视角分析

阿拉伯“旅美派”文学和哲学的成就已为人所注目。从20世纪早期叙利亚、黎巴嫩不利的人才环境着眼,对照美国有利于人才发展的环境,可以看出“旅美派”形成的主要原因：旅美派作家丰富的生活经历使他们受到多种文化因素的影响;西方优势和殖民奴役的强烈刺激,使他们奋发向上;美国个人主义价值观和较自由的政治、宗教氛围,使他们有实现抱负的机会。相反,20世纪初的叙利亚、黎巴嫩的社会经济和政治条件,没有给知识分子提供服务社会报效国家的机会,更不可能提供宽松的思想言论自由。     

联黎部队的维和历程、影响因素及存在问题探析

联合国黎巴嫩临时部队是联合国为了制止黎巴嫩内战,在1978年5月建立的维持和平部队.其任务是确保以军从黎巴嫩撤军,恢复黎巴嫩的和平与稳定.影响这支部队的主要因素有联黎部队的中立、联合国清晰的授权、冲突各方的配合、超级大国的作用与影响.此外,巴解组织、以色列、苏联和叙利亚也给维和部队带来了许多困难.联黎部队的成功与否取决与多种因素,如中东和平进程的发展和演变,联合国对维和行动的改革以及超级大国对联合国的支持与合作.最重要和关键之处在于黎巴嫩问题本身的解决程度.     

Literature Review: Identity Construction in the Context of Being a Minority Immigrant Religion: The Case of Western-born Muslims

This paper seeks to assess when and how the Lebanese Diaspora in Australia, Canada and the USA is most able to affect homeland affairs in Lebanon. Drawing on over 300 in-depth interviews and analysing literature on the Lebanese Diaspora and Lebanon itself, the article seeks to categorise the spectrum of diaspora engagement with Lebanon and more fully define the diaspora's homeland participation. Tentative conclusions indicate that the Lebanese Diaspora is most able to affect homeland affairs when the state is absent or unable to perform its functions as well as because the various political factions do not want a state built. However, to date, despite its renowned strength, the Lebanese Diaspora has not been able to affect change in the sectarian nature of Lebanese homeland politics nor in the too often replicated sectarian politics in the diaspora. We conclude that the diaspora is thus both strong and weak vis-à-vis affecting homeland public affairs.     

黎以冲突中各方传媒报道之比较

伴随着现代战争的爆发,是传媒之间的战争,后者被称为没有硝烟的战争。本文以黎以冲突为个案,通过对阿拉伯国家和美、以关于黎以冲突的报道进行比较,得出以下结论:大国强国在侵略弱小国家时,会有意实行新闻封锁,有时导致媒体报道严重失实,从而淡化侵略者行径的野蛮程度,达到尽可能多地获得国际社会支持之目的。可见,相关媒体秉承不偏不倚、公正平衡的理念是非常必要的。尽管黎以冲突已经停火,但阿以之间的历史恩怨使得停火协议显得十分脆弱。只要阿拉伯人和以色列人无法和平共处,世界大国的利益纠缠其间,中东战火就还会重燃,战争新闻报道也仍将继续。除了那些无辜的死难平民,真相将永远是战争的第一受害者。     

Sectarian dynamics of multicultural norms and the law in Lebanon: warning for the future of Northern Ireland

The aim of this article is to show how the institutionalised multicultural political arrangements in Lebanon may have provided for a certain period a degree of local harmony and related toleration when national demographics were relatively stable (or demographic growth was somehow similar within groups or harmony was somehow imposed) but it has not been a force for the same once demographic change has (dramatically) occurred, since it automatically undermined the basis on which any agreement was founded. In addition, whatever harmony it does produce at the national level is not reciprocated at the local level. Indeed multiculturalism may well be a defining feature in the implosion of the Lebanon as a nation state. The reason for this is that any polity to be stable must be inclusive enough at the level of imagined community to encompass change without it being felt as loss by significant groups within the nation state. The institutionalised segregation that the multicultural settlement created in Lebanon does not provide for this inclusiveness since it is predicated on coalitions of exclusive groups (17 religious groups have a political representation in the Parliament) that (often) do not mix or share an imagined community (and, if they do, it is for short-term goals, such as recent coalitions predicated on inter-religious lines, i.e. the anti-Syrian 14 March Alliance) and hence any change is seen not as an inclusive experience to the whole but as exclusive and therefore (in the medium term) as a threat. This creates (long term) inbuilt instability and a permanently failing state. Building on a critique to multiculturalism and consociational theory (at least with reference to power-sharing) we further hypothesise that this situation may well be replicated in Northern Ireland since though in a less fragmented, however more radical separation, it appears to be following a similar trajectory.     

The discourse of security in development policies: A genealogical approach to “Security Sector Reform”

Security is one of the objectives that has become associated with development policies. This article offers a genealogical perspective on this shift, focusing on the introduction of “Security Sector Reform” (SSR) into development policy as an apparatus with a two‐fold normative process. The first point of note is the securitization of development policy. This pertains both to the discourse elements of the apparatus—here, the effects of the use of security semantics—and to its political technologies, with an SSR apparatus which can function as a new label for military co‐operation. This has led to new approaches in societies where this has taken place, with threat a key focus. There has also been a process of depoliticization in the wake of technical, standardized approaches. This has sidelined debate on the norms and political choices involved, albeit implicitly. Secondly, one can observe structural ambivalences in the field, chiefly on the issue of the state and the normative contradictions of a policy to strengthen “fragile states” that relies on external intervention in national politics. The case study of Lebanon complements this analysis, highlighting the structural tensions between the various aims of SSR, and how this affects local ownership: both the perception and reception of SSR are marked by power relationships which translate into hegemonic and counter‐hegemonic labelling.     

Interpersonal Forgiveness Among Lebanese: A Six-Community Study

The willingness to forgive a severe offense was studied in a sample of 48 participants from the three Lebanese Islamic communities of Druze, Shiite, and Sunni. Results were compared with those obtained by Azar, Mullet, and Vinsonneau (1999) based on a sample of Catholics, Maronites, and Orthodox Christians. The study considers the effects of a number of circumstances on the willingness to forgive such as intent to harm, cancellation of consequences, religious and social similarity to the offender, and apologies from the offender, as well as variations of these effects as a function of age, gender, and educational level. We employed an application of Norman Anderson's functional theory of cognition. Twenty-four stories were constructed by varying systematically the levels of each of the four circumstances quoted above. In each case, participants were asked to rate their willingness to forgive on a forgiveness scale. The more important results concern (a) the overall level of willingness to forgive, which was practically equivalent in each of the six religious subgroups, (b) the impact of the religious similarity factor (Christian versus Islamic), which was very weak in every group, and (c) the effect of the apologies factor which remained consistently important.