略论职工股股权

职工持股立法对职工持股制度有效激励机制的建立具有制度上的保障和调控功能。从对西方国家职工股股权立法的比较研究 ,可以看出职工股的股权设置是影响职工持股激励功能实现的重要因素。我国在立法上应当建立异于普通股的机制 ,保证职工股股利分配请求权、有效的投票权和有条件的转让权 ,以实现职工对企业的经营活动的参与和职工利益的保护 ,从而提高职工的生产积极性 ,进而提高企业的竞争力     

Power of Ultimate Controlling Owners: A Survey of Canadian Landscape

This study highlights the ownership structure of 1120 Canadian listed firms. The chains of ownership and control are traced back to the ultimate controlling owners, and related to some corporate features. Families are the most prevalent type of controlling shareholder. Pyramids, multiple classes of shares and cross-holdings are used to gain control, and hence, a significant separation of ownership and control is achieved. The study also provides some evidence that the role of the second ultimate owners, which is to weaken the channels that lead to expropriation, is not effective in Canada. The findings are compared to those of previous empirical ownership studies on the US, Western Europe and East Asia.     

Monotonicity of power and power measures

Monotonicity is commonly considered an essential requirement for power measures; violation of local monotonicity or related postulates supposedly disqualifies an index as a valid yardstick for measuring power. This paper questions if such claims are really warranted. In the light of features of real-world collective decision making such as coalition formation processes, ideological affinities, a priori unions, and strategic interaction, standard notions of monotonicity are too narrowly defined. A power measure should be able to indicate that power is non-monotonic in a given dimension of players' resources if – given a decision environment and plausible assumptions about behaviour – itis non-monotonic.     

The Electoral Consequences of Marriage and Motherhood: How Gender Traits Influence Voter Evaluations of Female Candidates

Recent literature largely dismisses the notion that voters engage in direct bias against women based on sex alone. Making a distinction between sex and gender, our theoretical expectations predict that female candidates who violate gender norms for marriage and motherhood will receive lower candidate evaluations, particularly so among voters who hold conservative beliefs about the proper role of women. We use a survey experiment to estimate the direct and conditional effects of gender traits and gender role beliefs on evaluations. Our results support the proposition that candidate traits, such as marital and parental status, can prime gender beliefs in the evaluative process.     

村民自治的程序民主与实质民主——基于社会选择理论对村支“两委”选举的案例分析

本文分析了投票悖论与阿罗不可能定理是个人理性决策与集体一致性行动的冲突在社会选择领域的表现,并结合森对悖论的解答,引入信息基础的理性扩张、合约成本和作为契约的程序、制度,以农村村支“两委”选举为例,探讨村民自治过程中不同经济发展水平和结构特征的农村中个人理性走向集体一致性社会选择实现路径,在此基础上提出村民自治中实现程序民主与实质民主统一的对策建议.     

The Effect of Daughters on Partisanship and Social Attitudes Toward Women

Washington ( 2008 ) finds that daughters promote liberal voting (at least with respect to women's issues) among U.S. Congress members and attributes this finding to socialization. However, daughters’ influence could manifest differently for elite politicians and the general citizenry either due to self‐selection or the Trivers‐Willard hypothesis, which suggests that parents invest differently in male and female children depending on their social status. Using nationally representative data from the General Social Survey, this study asks whether biological daughters affect political party identification, traditional views of women, or opinions about abortion and teen sex. We find that female offspring promote identification with the more conservative Republican Party, but this effect depends on social status. There is no evidence that daughters promote liberal views of women and less consistent evidence that they influence views of abortion or teen sex. Overall, evidence supports the Trivers‐Willard hypothesis, but with a more complex interaction by social status.     

Land of the Free,Home of the Brave: Voting Accommodations for Older Adults

Voting is a fundamental right for all United States citizens, one that usually continues for elderly people as long as they are alive. As adults age, certain issues regarding voting warrant deeper consideration than in previous years, especially those presenting as a result of impaired sight, hearing difficulty, dementia, or other special needs. What will happen to millions of men and women who have taken the right to vote for granted, but who gradually become immobile or physically impaired? What are states doing to help secure the enfranchisement of an increasing number of older adult voters? The purpose of this article is to address these issues by focusing on the following questions: What has been the historical nature of polling place accommodations for elderly people? What are states doing in terms of accommodating older voters at the polls while ensuring the integrity of the voting process? What effect has recent Help America Vote Act legislation had with regard to polling place accommodations? Our results indicate that accommodations for older voters are being made but are not yet at a level required to serve a rapidly aging population.     

公司累计投票制的性质、价值及其实现——基于对《公司法》第106条的分析

累积投票制作为一种投票机制,其在立法上的确立有助于提高中小股东选出代表其利益的董事或监事的可能性,从而有效制衡控股股东的滥权行为.但这仅仅是一种可能性的提高,并不意味着必然选出代表中小股东利益之董事和监事.而要实现该制度的价值和可能性的提高,有待于完善股东参与机制,引导股权适度分散,吸引股东积极参与选举管理者的投票,从而提高中小股东选出代表自己利益的管理者的可能性,实现中小股东对控股股东在公司治理层面的制衡.     

A Comparison of Some Distance-Based Choice Rules in Ranking Environments

We discuss the relationships between positional rules (such as plurality and approval voting as well as the Borda count), Dodgsons, Kemenys and Litvaks methods of reaching consensus. The discrepancies between methods are seen as results of different intuitive conceptions of consensus goal states and ways of measuring distances therefrom. Saaris geometric methodology is resorted to in the analysis of the consensus reaching methods.     

The sources of political orientations in post-industrial society: social class and education revisited

This paper studies the impact of social class and education on political orientation. We distinguish the 'old' middle class from a new class of social/cultural specialists. However, the difference in their political orientation may especially be related to the level and field of education; the new middle class is more highly educated and often in fields of study that extensively address social competencies, characteristics independently affecting political outcomes. Analyses on Dutch data showed that education is more important in the prediction of 'cultural' liberal issues than social class. Economically-oriented issues are more strongly affected by social class. This means that interests of the new middle class are served by liberal standpoints relating to a strong government and income redistribution policies, but not relating to cultural issues.