国家治理中的第三次分配:美国镜鉴与中国道路

第三次分配在中国推动共同富裕迈入新阶段的当下扮演着重要角色。基于国家社会关系视角,将第三次分配划分为强政府大社会、弱政府大社会、强政府小社会、弱政府小社会4种实践模式。美国第三次分配建构起了弱政府大社会实践模式,以社会主导、政府监管、政治中立为主要特征。工具理性是美国第三次分配的成功经验,形成了文化、组织、制度及技术“四位一体”的逻辑理路。隐藏在工具理性外衣下的阶级理性是美国第三次分配的失败教训,在阶级理性思维影响下,社会“私”的方面被放大,形成了以捐赠者为中心的家长制作风。中国第三次分配是先富带动后富、助推共同富裕的实现方式,它深嵌到中国式现代化进程中。中国第三次分配不能照搬美国模式,需要在充分吸收工具理性和摒弃阶级理性的经验教训基础上,塑造强政府大社会模式,将中国文化要素融入制度体系,增强第三次分配主体规范性,加大第三次分配激励力度,完善第三次分配监管体系,持续并高度关注贫困人群。     

第十届中国戏剧节新创剧目简论

第十届中国戏剧节上展演的新创剧目在题材上有向政治剧和底层生活剧集中的趋势。政治剧都以历史剧的形式出现,多表现凶险的政治强力和善良人性及人类基本正面价值之间的悲剧性冲突;底层生活剧则都在当前的时空中表现社会、经济、精神资源严重匮乏的下层人民的生活实况。剧作家对这两大题材的开掘和表现在思想上超越了以往的深度,在艺术上具有更强烈的情感冲击力。它们标志了新世纪以来戏剧创作基本的取材方向和艺术水平。     

阶层固化背景下底层青年的“中国梦”

时至今日,社会各个阶层的固化趋势渐趋严重,很大程度上成为中华民族复兴历程上最大的拦路虎,这不能不引起我们的关注和重视。而广大的新世纪底层青年正是在这一背景下踏上历史舞台,展开各自的人生传奇。当代底层青年面对着日益严峻的阶层固化态势,他们的崛起之路变得愈加坎坷和艰难。他们要破茧而出,打破阶层藩篱,实现逆袭,获得职业成功,必须把握该阶层的特点、构成,并依赖政府、社会各方面的参与和努力,更重要的是,个人的奋斗和坚持是不可或缺的。     

未成年人犯罪对青少年价值观的诘问

分析认识青少年人生观、价值观扭曲的现实，是做好青少年思想道德教育工作的必要前提。运用了全国未成年犯调查资料，对未成年犯和中学生的价值观进行了比较。结果显示：不良的媒介偏好、偶像崇拜、闲暇意愿以及不正确的成功取向、交友倾向等方面的比例均是未成年犯明显高于中学生。研究认为应积极应对大众传媒不良信息对青少年的深层渗透，重视同伴教育在青少年价值观形成中的作用和道德实践。     

伊拉克战争与公众参与中国中东外交政策制定

伊拉克战争为公众参与中国中东外交政策制定提供了机会,参与群体前所未有地扩大,参与途径全面拓展,不同意见的表达开始涌现,公众主动对外交建言献策,开始有意施加民意压力。更为重要的是,公众意见开始成为外交部门对外传播国家主张的背景支撑和参考因素。公众因素开始成为中国制定中东外交决策时需要考虑的重要参数之一,但其影响力有限,更多是参考和制约作用,其影响正处于发展之中。     

Patience moderates the class cleavage in demand for redistribution

Previous studies on class voting have yielded mixed results linking income and demand for redistribution. Why do some poor people oppose redistribution, while some rich people support it? This article argues that an individual's level of patience, an important personal characteristic that influences how people calculate immediate and distinct outcomes, may moderate the effect of class on redistributive preference. In a one-shot game, redistribution between the rich and the poor is zero sum. When people extend their time horizons, however, the poor see the possibility of upward mobility, while the rich emphasize future losses, such as unemployment and economic instability. Consistent with the hypotheses, analyses of the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and a representative Taiwanese dataset from 2016 reveal a clear class cleavage in demand for redistribution among impatient poor and rich respondents, but the cleavage between their patient counterparts diminished. This pattern of convergence extends previous studies on upward mobility and risk perception theory.     

In search of message design best practices: The Silver Anvil Award winners archive

We investigated specific award-winning public relations efforts to derive best practices that bridge industry practices with academic research and pedagogy. The data for this project were the winning entries for the annual Public Relations Society of America's (PRSA) Silver Anvil Award, which is considered the top award recognizing excellence in public relations. We found, however, that the archive of award winners does not provide sufficiently definitive information about what defines any public relations discourse genre or why any genre as used is “excellent.” This archival research provides us with a key rationale for employing rhetorical, narrative, and linguistic theories prospectively to guide public relations message design and planning, theories which hitherto have been used to judge campaigns post hoc or retrospectively.     

Devolution in a ‘Stateless Nation’: Nation‐building and Social Policy in Scotland

The implications of the 2011 Scottish election and the proposed referendum on Scottish independence for the future of social policy across the devolved UK are profound but far from certain. It is crucial to understand not only the historical nature of this conjuncture but to develop an adequate conceptual understanding of the place of social policy in the dialectic between state and nation in Scotland. To this end, we critically examine theories that depict Scotland as an essentially ‘stateless nation’ in the light of recent developments. In so doing, we examine the implications for social policy of the changing character of statehood in Scotland, the nature of civil nationalism, and the problem of legitimacy in Scotland for the UK as a multinational state. As the architecture of statehood is re‐negotiated, strong centrifugal pressures are being created for a more distinct divergence of social policy in Scotland from the rest of the UK regardless of the outcome of the independence referendum. Policy‐making is ensnared in a series of tensions, not just between Westminster and Holyrood but also, more broadly, tensions between competing principles of social justice and territorial justice, and competing demands between welfare nationalism and competitive nationalism.     

中东剧变中的阿尔及利亚政局透视

2010年底以来,中东地区多国发生了政权更迭,阿尔及利亚一度爆发群众游行示威,但目前阿尔及利亚政局基本稳定,原因可归纳为以下四个方面:一是阿尔及利亚独立以来的长期动荡释放了民众的不满;二是布特弗利卡执政联盟仍具有较强的政治实力;三是国内的两个主要反对派因其各自的缺陷,难以获得大多数民众的支持;四是现政权与美国保持了较好的关系。然而,由于目前中东地区的局势尚在发展中,随着新因素的加入,阿尔及利亚的政局仍存在变数。