The politics of engagement between Islam and the secular state: ambivalences of 'civil society'

The paper reveals contemporary transformations of the interaction between Islam and secular states from opposition to engagement. In-depth ethnographic evidence challenges the predominant juxtaposition of Islam against the secular state. Following micro-sites of interaction between the Gülen movement and the state from Turkey to Kazakhstan, my fieldwork revealed a continuum of engagements between them. The paper analyses the engagements ranging from contestation and negotiation to co-operation. The case illustrates the extent to which scholarly interest in opposition and clash has left a wide-ranging variety of state-Islam interaction understudied with regard to civil society. It also reveals the conditions under which effective Islamic horizontal organizations have provided the platforms of vertical engagements with the secular states. The major argument of the paper is that both civil and uncivil outcomes in the Muslim world are primarily shaped by the nature of state-Islam interaction. The evidence suggests that the key to understanding the relationship between Islam and civil society is the state.     

Double‐edged swords? Collective identity and solidarity in the environment movement1

Perhaps by virtue of its theoretical slipperiness, collective identity is often hailed as an important feature of social movements for the role it plays in unifying activists and organizations, and so helping them to develop shared concerns and engage in collective action. However, this paper argues that collective identity is the result of group rather than movement level processes, and although it can unite activists within a single movement organization, it is not always beneficial for the broader social movement. Although movements consist of networks of activists and organizations that have a broad shared concern, differing collective identities within the movement can actually be quite divisive. Based on case studies of three organizations in the environmental movement, this paper shows that activists who are most committed to an organization with an encompassing collective identity develop a strong sense of solidarity with other activists similarly committed to that organization. The resultant solidarity leads to the construction of a 'we-them' dichotomy between organizations within the same movement, increasing the chances of hostility between organizations and factions within the movement.     

<Emphasis Type="Italic">Si,Se Puede</Emphasis>: Organizing Latino Immigrant Workers in South Omaha’s Meatpacking Industry

Faced with declining union membership and a growing immigrant workforce, the US labor movement has started to realize the importance of organizing immigrant workers. Yet the conventional wisdom among many within the movement is that immigrant workers are “unorganizable.” Based on a case study of a collaborative effort between the United Food and Commercial Workers Union and Omaha Together, One Community to organize an estimated 4,000 Latino immigrant meatpacking workers, I demonstrate not only the “organizability” of immigrant workers, but also the fact that they have been organizing themselves, with the help of a community-based organization, in the absence of union efforts. This case study suggests that in order to facilitate successful organizing campaigns among immigrant workers, unions need to reach out to community-based organizations and institutions that have established relationships with immigrant workers.

空气阻力与地球自转影响下自由落体的运动

讨论自由落体东偏时,同时考虑了空气阻力与地球自转的影响,并结合空气阻力模型建立了相应的落体运动微分方程。忽略二阶小量,依次得到落体的运动规律。最后利用Mathematica编程作出了落体的位移-时间图像,并与忽略阻力时的情形作了对比,定量地说明了在空气阻力与地球自转影响下与忽略空气阻力相比,自由落体的偏东量值变大,此外东偏量值还与质点所在处的纬度有关,纬度越小的地方东偏量值越大,在两极没有东偏量,在赤道处东偏最大。     

冷战后尼泊尔共产主义运动的分野

冷战后的尼泊尔共运存在人民多党民主与新民主主义革命两条道路。出现这种分野的原因是经济社会发展不平衡所导致的结构性矛盾。对两条道路进行比较,要根据时代发展客观看待尼共(联合马列)与尼联共(毛)两党的性质;从历史贡献来看,新民主主义革命更胜一筹;从革命目标来看,两种革命都不彻底;从革命进程来看,两条革命道路都存在各自的局限性。尼泊尔共运的分野在未来相当长时期内仍将存在,尼共(联合马列)亟待扩大本党的阶级基础,创新原有的路线,尼联共(毛)则面临关键抉择。     

《新潮》的文化广告

1919年由北京大学学生创办发行的《新潮》是新文化运动中第二本新杂志,以提倡新文学、新思想、新学术为主旨,在新文化运动中产生了较大的影响。《新潮》上刊登的文化广告,主要以新书籍、新教育、新社团为主,不仅体现了《新潮》的启蒙特色,有助于新文化新思想的宣传,而且从侧面反映了新文化运动在各个领域的发展,以及女性解放、教育改革等社会发展趋势。     

“五四”以来中国乡土小说主题的变更

乡土小说至今已有近百年的历史,这百年的乡土小说可以说是这百年中国政治文化的生动纪录。从“五四”时期的批判启蒙、三四十年代的抗战救亡,到《在延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》发表后的歌颂新时代,再到新时期以来诗意的回归,随着时代中心话题的变化,乡土小说也经历了多个主题的变更。     

世界现代化过程与思考

从传统的农业社会向现代工业社会的转变是人类历史发展的大趋势。但是,由于国情的不同,现代化的改革过程也不同。但世界上发达国家的现代化改革启动基本上都是以推翻封建专制制度为前提的。中国的现代化虽然启动较旱,由于封建的政治体系,致使现代化的改革迟迟不能成功。共产党建立的新中国,是中国真正现代化改革的开始,也是成功的保障。     

教育差异对农民外出务工行为的影响

农村富余劳动力转移是我国工业化、城镇化发展的必然趋势,加强农村教育和农民工培训是促进农村劳动力有序转移的重要途径。课题组在问卷调查的基础上,分析了教育差异对外出务工动机、途径、行业、回流和收入的影响,认为教育是农民外出务工行为的重要影响因素,但与收入的相关关系不显著。根据问卷调查结果,最后提出了若干加强农民工培训、提高培训质量的建议。     

From democratic participation to civic resistance: the loss of institutional trust as an outcome of activism in the refugee solidarity movement

Adding to the literature on non‐institutional political action and trust, this article argues that the loss of institutional trust is not only a cause but also an outcome of political activism. Studying the Danish refugee solidarity movement in a mixed‐methods research design including survey and qualitative interview data, the article shows that three kinds of activism – political activism, humanitarian activity, and civil disobedience – relate differently to the loss of trust in the institutions of the Parliament, the legal system, and the police. Political activism primarily affects a loss of trust in the Parliament due to low external efficacy and a closed political opportunity structure. Civil disobedience affects a loss of trust in the legal system and the police due to a perceived lack of procedural justice. Humanitarian activity does not affect a loss of institutional trust because it does not imply interaction with the institutions to the same extent as the other kinds of activism. The consequence of losing trust in the political institutions is not an abandonment of democratic values, nor political apathy, but rather a change in civic engagement from a mode of democratically legitimizing participation in the institutions to a mode of contending and questioning the legitimacy of the political institutions. This finding indicates that in turn loss of institutional trust may cause an increase in extra‐institutional political action which is consistent with the commonly assumed causality in the literature. This leads to a final integrating argument for conceptualizing activism and loss of institutional trust as reinforcing factors in a process where, in line with the main finding of this study, activism may cause a loss of institutional trust which, in turn, may cause additional activism, as argued in the existing literature.