后穆巴拉克时代的埃及穆斯林兄弟会

穆巴拉克政权倒台后,穆斯林兄弟会成为埃及政坛最具实力的政治力量。它通过组党、组建政治联盟、引导过渡期政治安排等措施,巩固了其在政治格局中的优势地位。由于穆兄会在组织结构、经济实力等方面的优势,加之埃及世俗政治力量的式微,它旗下的自由与正义党有望在议会选举中胜出。迄今为止,穆兄会的政治议程尚不明朗,但政治现实将促使其趋于务实。穆兄会的经济政策与穆巴拉克政权相似,使其难以领导埃及实现经济转型。与此同时,穆兄会的崛起将促进阿拉伯国家伊斯兰党派走向联合,引发阿拉伯世界地缘政治结构的变动。当然,穆兄会上台也为埃及与以色列和美国的关系带来较大的负面影响。     

Multicultural education in Thailand

This study examines multicultural education policy in Thailand. The researcher used the qualitative research methods of interviewing, observation and document examination to obtain data. Theory about multicultural education was used as a theoretical framework. The sites of study were eight primary schools that served students from diverse cultures – Muslim, Buddhist, Burmese, Cambodian and Thai – in the southern provinces of Thailand. Results showed that current educational policies do provide opportunity for migrant students to access public education. The Ministry of Education has allowed schools to apply their own rules and regulations that reflect the diverse cultures of their students. The results also show that the curriculum includes references to various cultures, that textbooks contain content that encourages students to live in harmony with people from different cultures and that some schools have implemented bilingual education programs. However, deeper analysis of school practices made it clear that what seems to be an acceptance of cultural diversity is just another form of assimilation. The well-established features that define Thainess remain intact and the inclusion of culturally specific content is insufficient to change the unequal power relations among dominant and minority groups in Thailand.     

Cooperative Parenting Arrangements After Marital Separation

The identification of factors that predict cooperation and agreement between ex-spouses is important to understanding and promoting healthy post-divorce among parents and their children. This study of 64 separated and divorced parents was intended as an initial investigation of ex-couples who are able to negotiate and maintain mutually agreeable shared parenting arrangements, without legal or mental health intervention. As expected, these cooperating ex-couples selected from a wider range of custody and access arrangements than demographically similar ex-couples in disagreement about parenting arrangements. Also consistent with expectation, interparental cooperation and disagreements influenced the proportions of time children spent with their parents, whereas type of custody and access arrangement did not. Although all children tended to spend more time with their mothers than with their fathers, this discrepancy was greater for disagreeing than cooperating ex-couples. As hypothesized, histories of domestic violence were less likely among cooperating ex-couples than disagreeing ex-couples. Finally, the hypothesis that cooperating ex-couples are generally more satistied with their lives than disputing ex-couples was supported by the results of a MANOVA. However, subsequent univariate analyses revealed that cooperating and disagreeing ex-couples did not differ in their levels of satisfaction with their social lives and their financial situations. These findings and additional exploratory comparisons between the two groups were interpreted as potential avenues for subsequent investigations of cooperating ex-couples.     

Visibility as Resistance by Muslim Americans in a Surveillance and Security Atmosphere

Based on ethnographic data on South Asian Muslims in Los Angeles and analysis of publications of the largest Muslim organization in North America, this article shows how Muslim Americans manage their hypervisibility in the post‐9/11 security atmosphere, which has intensified after ISIS terrorist attacks at home and abroad. At the individual level, Muslim Americans try to distance themselves from the “Muslim” label, which associates them with “terrorists.” Instead, many self‐categorize into the seemingly more favorable “moderate” identity, which could sometimes render Muslims politically passive. Contrastingly, Muslim organizations strive to construct a “Muslim American” identity that can allow Muslims to engage in mainstream politics by reframing Islam as compatible with American values. Theoretically, this article engages with the scholarship on security, surveillance, and visibility to show how the observed's visibility is not always only repressive but can also be used to resist imposed categories. However, findings reflect how the racialization of Muslims and the security regime give these strategies a double edge—while providing some advantages, these do little to dismantle Muslims’ hypervisibility and the security atmosphere. Overall, findings shed light on the contemporary issue of Muslim identification—not just in terms of how others see Muslims but also how Muslims see themselves.     

论西部大开发中穆斯林优良传统的弘扬

中国有近 2 0 0 0万穆斯林 ,其中大部分在西部地区 ,如何为西部大开发做出自己的贡献 ,是一个值得研究的课题。文章认为 ,广大穆斯林应该充分弘扬伊斯兰的优良传统 ,为西部大发展创造一个良好的环境。而弘扬穆斯林的优良传统 ,就必须正确认识宗教与社会主义相适应和中华民族多元一体的基本内涵     

透视阿拉伯移民在欧洲社会的历史嬗变

阿拉伯裔穆斯林早在中世纪就已在欧洲存在,而今穆斯林族群已成为欧洲社会第二大族群。“9·11”事件使欧洲传统多元文化体系受到冲击,世人将目光聚焦伊斯兰和穆斯林。“3·11”、“7·7”、法国“头巾法案”、丹麦“亵渎伊斯兰教先知漫画”等一系列事件又使阿拉伯裔穆斯林移民问题成为国际关注热点。是同化吸纳还是割裂分离是欧洲各国政府当前移民政策中的最大困惑,是封闭自我还是融入当地社会也成为阿裔欧洲穆斯林当前的艰难抉择。妥善处理阿拉伯移民和欧洲主流社会的关系,已成为欧盟各成员国政府和穆斯林移民团体面临的重要问题。     

Strategic Intersectionality and Political Representation: Female Muslim Councilors in London

This article addresses questions of how race/ethnicity, gender, and religion influence political representation. We use original interview data to test a strategic intersectionality theory developed by Fraga and colleagues (2005) in the case of female Muslim councilors in London, the United Kingdom. The original strategic intersectionality theory proposes that women are more effective advocates for ethnic group interests due to their unique capacity to leverage three primary resources: a substantive policy focus, multiple identity advantage, and gender inclusive advantage. We modify the thesis by analyzing religion as an additional identity marker and further disaggregating the three primary sources of leverage. We use the modified thesis to test whether female Muslim councilors of three London boroughs are more effective advocates for Muslim interests than their non-Muslim colleagues. We find mixed evidence for the presence of the three sources of leverage associated with strategic intersectionality, resulting in a more complex theorizing of this phenomenon than that found in prior research. This study offers a new contribution to the operationalization of intersectionality and the literature on intersectionality and political representation.     

埃及现代政党政治的演变

埃及现代政党政治缘起于20世纪初,历经宪政时代、纳赛尔时代和后纳赛尔时代三个阶段.从宪政时代的多党政治到纳赛尔时代的一党政治和后纳赛尔时代政党政治的多元化进程,构成埃及现代政党政治演变的明显轨迹.民族主义政党与民主主义政党的此消彼长、世俗政党与宗教政党的错综交织、议会政党与非议会政党的激烈角逐,集中体现埃及现代化进程中政治层面的历史运动.     

海外穆斯林商人与明朝海外交通政策

海外穆斯林商人与明朝前期(1368-1505)的海外交通政策曾相互影响。洪武时期,由于明太祖在海外交通政策上推行勘合制度,曾促使海外穆斯林商人借助官方使节的身份开展对华贸易活动;永乐时期,海外穆斯林商人则把明成祖的“通四夷”政策引向西洋(印度洋)地区,郑和正是凭借了海外穆斯林的商业网络而使下西洋活动获得成功;宣德以后,明朝停止主动派遣使节下西洋,海外华人穆斯林则在中外海上交往活动中扮演了主要角色。通过与海外穆斯林的交往,明朝社会也形成了一个诚信守规、扶贫济苦、清洁卫生的的伊斯兰文明观。     

青海藏族与回族群众外出务工的特征分析--以化隆县藏族A村和回族二村为个案

外出务工、出门挣钱是近年来我国西部民族地区,尤其是农村出现的新趋势。青海省化隆回族自治县可以说是我国西部劳动力转移的典范县,2011年6月底就实际转移劳动力9万余人约占县人口的43%。如此大规模的劳动力转移,是否呈现一些族裔文化特征？通过对化隆县藏族 A 村及回族二村主要生计活动的初次实地调研,我们发现,尽管共居于同一县域,都外出务工,但由于语言、信仰等不同,当地藏族、回族在外出务工的地域、时间,从事的行业及具体工种方面均呈现了鲜明特征。在这个物与人全球流动的时代,双方以各自不同的主要生计方式共同印证了文化特征对其生活全面而深刻的影响。