王蒙小说中的回族形象描写

王蒙有两部小说作品描写了回族人物,一部为系列小说《在伊犁》中的短篇小说《好汉子依斯麻尔》,另一部为“季节系列”中的长篇《恋爱的季节》。当我们将关注的范围缩小到他小说中的回族人物形象描写时,便可以看出,他对回族的描写不是孤立的、静态的,而是放置在中国当代历史的大背景下,描写了他们与时代、社会变迁相联系着的命运际遇。     

我国中期财政问题浅析

本文对我国的中期财政问题进行了简要分析。     

历代古籍中透析出的锡伯族族源、族称

锡伯族族源、族称 ,历来为各民族学者与史家所重视 ,观点也不相异同。本文从地名信息的活化石角度探讨了锡伯族名称的语源。认为锡伯族称其语源即蒙古语之“锡窝尔” ,其语义亦即“森林”     

基层政府的政策变通逻辑 ——以H县“不再生育合同”为个案

本文通过H县“不再生育合同”的个案分析基层政府在社会治理中的政策变通逻辑。政策变通不是对政策目标的背离,而是为了政策具有可行性。政策变通是社会治理中政策制定上的普遍主义和政策执行上的特殊主义相结合的体现。基层政府政策变通的初始逻辑是为了实现国家的政策目标,政策变通范围的扩散逻辑是为了尊重政策对象的习惯,基层政府不断扩大政策变通适用对象范围是出于自利动机以筹集工作经费,除了以上三种逻辑外,政策变通延续还有一个重要逻辑,即基层政府面临对象要求兑现知情选择法定权利的压力。这些多元复合逻辑驱动的政策变通不仅没有偏离政策目标,反而使取得良好的政策预期效果。     

Unspanned Macroeconomic Factors in the Yield Curve

In this article, we extract common factors from a cross-section of U.S. macro-variables and Treasury zero-coupon yields. We find that two macroeconomic factors have an important predictive content for government bond yields and excess returns. These factors are not spanned by the cross-section of yields and are well proxied by economic growth and real interest rates.     

国立西北农学院的合组经过与历史意义——基于历史档案的考察和述评

基于抗战时期的历史档案,梳理了国立西北农学院(西北农林科技大学前身)合组成立的历史经过。地处后稷教民稼穑之地武功的国立西北农林专科学校与抗日战争期间西迁的国立北平大学农学院合组是现代农业文明的一次重要融汇。在强大的师资力量支撑下,国立西北农学院办学水平和科学研究方面表现卓越,成为当时国内惟一的独立农学院,并在合组后逐步形成扎根西北、融汇世界的教育思想和办学抱负,成为当代兴学强国的宝贵精神财富。     

20世纪20年代末京津地区外报的衰落评析

本文展现了20世纪20年代京津地区外文报纸从北洋军阀统治晚期到南京政府统一全国初期被层层挤压、无法立足的衰落过程,并对后期中国政府和中国人民打击外报的缘由、手段,以及效果进行深入分析。外报的衰落标志着中国民族报业逐步摆脱外国势力,进入一个新阶段。     

Government Intervention in Public Sector Industrial Relations: Lessons from the Alberta Teachers’ Association

In the public sector, Canadian governments intervene frequently in labor disputes by suspending collective bargaining and curtailing legal strikes. Previous research has focused on the contours of government intervention, such as its overall effects on collective bargaining and strikes. The discussion highlights one actor, a government, restricting the behavior of another actor, a union, using legislation and policy making. As a result, we know less about more micro-level elements and implications of the process of government intervention. I address these themes using a detailed case study of the Alberta Teachers’ Association and the strikes it coordinated in 2002.

Churning races in Canada: Visible minority response change between 2006 and 2011

Why do most people have stable responses to census race questions, while some do not? Using linked Canadian data, we examine personal, social, and economic characteristics that predict response stability as White or as one of six large visible minority groups, versus a change in response to/from White or to/from another visible minority group. Response change rates in Canada are generally comparable to those in the US, UK, and New Zealand. Likely reflecting the centuries-old hegemony of Whites in these countries, White is the most stable response group in Canada as well as the US, UK, and New Zealand. Multiple-race response groups are among the newest and least stable response groups. Social statuses and experiences (mixed ethnic heritage, immigration status, and exposure to own-group members) are generally more predictive of race response stability and change than economic (income level and change in income) or personal statuses (education, age). This highlights the socially-constructed nature of race group boundaries. Joining and leaving a group are often predicted by the same status/characteristic and in the same direction, hinting that the status/characteristic adds complexity to the race-related experiences of constituents.     

Australia’s national urban policy: The smart cities agenda in perspective

The Australian Government's attempts at national urban policy have been sporadic and inconsistent, under the constraints of constitutional, financial, ideological and political factors. This paper concerns the recent resurgence of national urban policy under the rubric of “smart cities” adopted by the Turnbull Government and carried on by the incumbent Morrison Government. It investigates how this round of smart cities agenda articulates with Australia's political tradition of national urban policy to seek continuity and change, through comparing historical policies, unpacking major smart cities programmes, identifying explanatory factors and critically commenting on its innovation and legacy. Drawing upon these analyses, this paper argues that understanding the smart cities agenda needs to move beyond the political, ideological “to-and-fro” pendulum to national urban policy observed in history. Rather, it resonates with a globalised policy norm established upon the city-based global integration and competition, driven by an imperative of transitioning to a knowledge economy and pursuing innovation capacity. It is too early to judge whether the smart cities agenda will bring changes to Australian cities in the way it wishes, since it involves long-term infrastructure investment and urban development projects. However, a comprehensive and consistent national urban policy to govern the Australian system of cities and towns has not been established yet.