农民工集体行动因素分析

近20年来,农民工问题一直是学术界讨论的热点问题,吸引了诸多学者的持久关注。文章主要探讨当前影响农民工集体行动的相关因素。在回顾西方有关集体行动理论的研究成果和最新进展的基础上,把从勒庞提出的感染理论一直到当代西方的新社会运动理论整合成四个取向,即：社会心理学的解释、行动的解释、结构的解释和文化的解释。文章主要关注剥夺、资源动员和政治机会这三个机制对农民工集体行动的影响。二元Logistic回归分析结果表明,剥夺和资源动员机制对农民工集体行动有不同程度的影响,其中剥夺感是影响农民工参与集体行动的主要因素,而当前政治机会对农民工参与集体行动无显著影响。     

明清之际桂西土官政治抉择之考察

明清之际,帝国边陲的桂西土官在面对清、农民军余部以及南明政权时表现出坚定的政治立场,他们奉南明政权为正朔;出兵勤王、纳粮助饷;桂西土官如此抉择不仅仅是深受国恩的报恩行为,也有实现自身利益最大化原因,更有深层文化认同因素。     

The influence of socio-economic characteristics on the political attitudes of American Indians

We examine the political attitudes of American Indians in eastern Oklahoma where they make up almost 20% of the population. We argue that American Indians in the region play the same role that other minorities in the southern states—notably blacks and Hispanics—do in resisting the region's realignment from the Democratic to the Republican Party. American Indians in the region are populists in that they are economically liberal and religiously conservative. The results of our analysis suggest that the socio-economic characteristics of American Indians play a greater role in explaining American Indians’ political attitudes than their ethnic identification.     

个案工作在老年思想政治教育中的运用初探

在老龄化日益加剧的今天,传统思想政治教育已越来越不能满足老年人科学、积极、健康发展的需要。而在老年思想政治教育中引入个案工作,有助于创新和发展老年思想政治教育、认清老年人思想现状以及提高老年人自我教育能力。二者在很多方面的相容性、个案工作的中国化以及现代思想政治教育的开放态度又使个案工作在老年思想政治教育中的运用成为可能。进而从理念、技巧和模式初步探讨了个案工作在老年思想政治教育中的运用方略。     

中国传统思想政治工作与社会工作的比较和借鉴

思想政治工作和社会工作都是做人的工作,二者在历史起源、价值理念、工作对象、工作主体、工作关系的性质和原则方法等方面存在区别。同时,二者在方法、根本目的、工作的要求等方面又有相通之处。二者的相互借鉴主要体现在思想政治工作为社会工作的本土化提供思想基础和借鉴社会工作的接纳原则,实现思想政治工作者与工作对象之间的平等与尊重。在构建和谐社会的过程中,思想政治工作与社会工作相互借鉴、共同努力,为解决经济转轨、社会转型与经济社会发展中出现的一系列问题做出应有的贡献。     

社会工作视阈下高校思想政治教育创新实践研究——以河南科技大学为例

随着我国社会转型,当代大学生精神风貌出现了一系列前所未有的新特征,传统高校思想政治教育模式面临诸多亟待解决的难题。河南科技大学利用社会工作专业的学科优势,借助社会工作的方法和理念,对改进和创新高校思想政治教育进行了一系列尝试,如开展个案辅导、新生破冰训练营、思想政治素养提升小组、举办成长论坛与文化大讲堂等活动,取得显著效果,为高校开展大学生思想政治教育工作提供了一个可供参考的介入模式。     

Missing ingredients in political advertising: The right formula for political sophistication and candidate credibility

An increase in usage of political advertising has become a global phenomenon. Previous research on political advertising has found both intended and backlash effects, indicating that the advertising effects are likely to be moderated by message and audience factors. In this study, advertising tones (i.e., positive or negative advertising) are examined. The experimental research also examines two contingent variables—the level of voters’ political sophistication and the degree of candidate credibility. The results indicate that a voter's political sophistication may result in bidirectional effects on the impact of advertising tone. Candidate credibility determines the direction of these effects. When voters face a candidate with high credibility, the influences of negative advertising and comparative advertising decrease but the effects of positive advertising are accentuated as a voter's political sophistication increases. The outcomes are reversed when voters face a candidate with low credibility. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of advertising tactics in election campaigns.     

The economic impact of prolonged political instability: a case study of Fiji

It has been long believed that prolonged political instability harms economic growth and development. This paper contributes to this growing empirical literature by studying the case in Fiji, which has faced a long period of political instability caused by a series of coups, military administrations and frequent changes in government since 1987. The impact of political instability on growth is hard to identify empirically because the counterfactual is unobserved and it is difficult to find valid comparisons. To solve this problem, we use the recently developed Synthetic Control Method to construct a counterfactual (or synthetic Fiji) that predicts the growth of a politically stable Fiji. The difference in per capita growth trajectories of the synthetic and the actual Fiji can thus be attributed as the impacts of political instability. Our findings show that the political instability caused by a series of coups since 1987 has indeed led Fiji onto a lower growth path, and that the accumulated effect is getting larger.     

论《政治经济学批判大纲》中的哲学分析框架问题（续完）

从20世纪60年代开始,马克思的《政治经济学批判大纲》成为国际学术界研究和争论的焦点。研究和争论展开于三个领域：文献学、政治经济学和哲学。就哲学领域的研究历史和现状说,人们涉及到了众多论题,劳动异化说,自由时间说,社会本体论说,黑格尔哲学痕迹说等,不一而足。相对于《政治经济学批判大纲》的思想实际而言,已有研究成果的不足之处明显可见：没有在自觉意识层面提出和探讨其中的哲学分析框架问题。这里的哲学分析框架是主体、客体及二者之间的辩证关系。马克思运用这一哲学分析框架透视资本主义生产运行的三个过程：为剩余价值生产做准备的流通过程,即货币资本与劳动能力相交换;剩余价值的生产过程,即人与自然界的物质变换;剩余价值的实现过程,即商品资本与货币相交换。结果令人叹为观止,资本主义生产的政治经济学本质、阶级本质、法权本质、人学本质和社会历史本质逐一被暴露于光天化日之下。总体看,《政治经济学批判大纲》具有无可替代的马克思主义文献学价值,对于我们现有的学术研究范式提出了诸多挑战,回应这些挑战是我们的学术责任。     

Time as a limited resource: Communication strategy in mobile phone networks

We used a large database of 9 billion calls from 20 million mobile users to examine the relationships between aggregated time spent on the phone, personal network size, tie strength and the way in which users distributed their limited time across their network (disparity). Compared to those with smaller networks, those with large networks did not devote proportionally more time to communication and had on average weaker ties (as measured by time spent communicating). Further, there were not substantially different levels of disparity between individuals, in that mobile users tend to distribute their time very unevenly across their network, with a large proportion of calls going to a small number of individuals. Together, these results suggest that there are time constraints which limit tie strength in large personal networks, and that even high levels of mobile communication do not fundamentally alter the disparity of time allocation across networks.